vendredi 30 septembre 2011

Comment Hitler s'est servi de Schacht



En complément à notre liste de mythes et de propagateurs de mythes sur les nazis, nous noterons au passage que l'historien David Irving n'est pas le seul à avoir noté l'opposition entre Schacht et Hitler: "Franz Halder and Hjalmar Schacht, prewar governor of the Reichsbank, were also pulled in, as their opposition to Hitler was well documented" (David Irving, Hitler's War).

Au sujet de l'opposition entre Hitler et Schacht et plus spécifiquement sur comment Schacht a été utilisé par l'administration Hitler pour remettre les gens au travail et remettre l'économie sur pied, avant d'être éjecté de son poste et surveillé par la gestapo (Hitler contrôlait alors directement la banque centrale), lire cet extrait.

Léon Degrelle aussi a écrit, en 1992 pour le journal de l'IHR, sur comment Hitler voyait Schacht. Il savait à quel genre de capitaliste international il avait affaire...

Similarly, he did not hesitate to keep on competent bureaucrats chosen by his predecessors. A good example was Dr. Otto Meissner, who had headed the presidential chancellery under the socialist Ebert and the conservative von Hindenburg, and who had done everything in his power, up to the last minute, to torpedo Hitler's accession to power. But Meissner knew his work, and Hitler wisely kept him on the job. Hitler treated him with respect and confidence, and Meissner served the the Föhrer faithfully and efficiently for twelve years.
Perhaps the most remarkable such case is that of Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, the most discerning and competent of Germany's financiers in 1933. A Hitler supporter? By no means! Schacht never was and never would be a supporter of anyone but himself. But he was the best in the business: for getting the Reich's economy moving again, he had no equal.
Ten years earlier, at the of 1923, Schacht had financially rescued the Weimar Republic by helping to invent the "Rentenmark." He was shrewd and imaginative, and thus capable of understanding and implementing the boldest of Hitler's plans.
Schacht's personal ambition was immense, but this was yet another reason for Hitler to give him every possibility to rise as high as he could. Within weeks of taking power, Hitler appointed him President of the Reichsbank, and then, a year later, as Economics Minister as well. Schacht couldn't be happier.
Dangerous? Of course! Doubly so, inasmuch as Schacht was a capitalist to the core, with close ties to major foreign banking interests, not excluding Jewish financiers in London and New York. Moreover, Schacht cared little for Hitler's revolutionary program, which regarded labor as the true source of national wealth.
Hitler called on the brilliant Dr. Schacht to devise new ways of acquiring the funds necessary for what he inted to accomplish. That was a great deal, but it was all. The collaboration went no further: Schacht was never permitted to intervene in political matters. When Schacht's financial formulas had served their purpose, the collaboration would. Until he was dismissed as Reichsbank president in 1939, Hitler made good use of his extraordinary talents. But Schacht never forgave his dismissal, and would nurse a seething resentment.
Determined to conjure up billions of marks as quickly as possible, and by any means available, in early February 1933 Hitler summoned Schacht's predecessor as Reichsbank president, Dr. Hans Luther, to his office. Luther, who had been appointed to his post in 1930 by a previous administration, had old-fashioned views of extreme prudence in the management of state funds. Since the state's coffers were nearly empty, he was all the more prudent. His detachable collar, stiff as a calling card, proclaimed the rigidity of his principles. He belonged to the old school of accountants who spend a dollar only when they have a dollar.
Hitler was well aware that this capable man was not happy to be presiding over a central bank that lacked funds. It was not, however, to have Luther empty the state treasury that Hitler had summoned him, but to ask him to devise new means of financing Germany's recovery.
It was a question of imagination, but Luther's brain was not a volcano of new ideas; it was a calculator.
"How much money," Hitler asked him, "can you put at my disposal for creating jobs?" Luther Hesitated to respond immediately; his mental calculator began functioning. After working out the calculations in his mind, he responded as though speaking to the director of a large financial firm: "One hundred and fifty million."
An eloquent answer, it showed just how completely Hitler's predecessors and their colleagues were lacking in their understanding of the scope of the resources that would be needed to save the Reich. One hundred and fifty million, at a time when the German government was pouring a billion marks every three months into unemployment benefits alone!
With a budget of 150 million marks, the German treasury would have been hard put to spare even three or four marks a day to the five or six or seven million unemployed over one short week.
Clearly, this question had never been put to Dr. Luther, and no Reich leader before Hitler had ever troubled to learn how to go about raising the funds that would be indispensable for carrying out a serious program to put Germany back to work.
Obviously, then, Dr. Luther was not the person to put Hitler's program into effect. The new Chancellor then thought of Schacht, the sly old fox. He was always good for a trick, and now Hitler needed some of his magic.
"Herr Schacht," he said, "we are assuredly in agreement on one point: no other single task facing the government at the moment can be so truly urgent as conquering unemployment. That will take a lot of money. Do you see any possibility of finding it apart from the Reichsbank?" And after a moment, he added: "How much would it take? Do you have any idea?"
Wishing to win Schacht over by appealing to his ambition, Hitler smiled and then asked: "Would you be willing to once again assume presidency of the Reichsbank?" Schacht let on that he had a sentimental concern for Dr. Luther, and did not want to hurt the incumbent's feelings. Playing along, Hitler reassured Schacht that he would find an appropriate new job elsewhere for Luther.
Schacht then pricked up his ears, drew himself up, and focused his big round eyes on Hitler: "Well, if that's the way it is," he said, "then I am ready to assume the presidency of the Reichsbank again."
His great dream was being realized. Schacht had been president of the Reichsbank between 1923 and 1930, but had been dismissed. Now he would return in triumph. He felt vindicated. Within weeks, the ingenious solution to Germany's pressing financial woes would burst forth from his inventive brain.
"It was necessary," Schacht later explained, "to discover a method that would avoid inflating the investment holdings of the Reichsbank immoderately and consequently increasing the circulation of money excessively."
"Therefore," he went on, "I had to find some means of getting the sums that were lying idle in pockets and banks, without meaning for it to be long term and without having it undergo the risk of depreciation. That was the reasoning behind the Mefo bonds."
What were these "Mefo" bonds? Mefo was a contraction of the Metallurgische Forschungs-GmbH (Metallurgic Research Company). With a startup capitalization of one billion marks - which Hitler and Schacht arranged to be provided by the four giant firms of Krupp, Siemens, Deutsche Werke and Rheinmetall - this company would eventually promote many billions of marks worth of investment.
Enterprises, old and new, that filled government orders had only to draw drafts on Mefo for the amounts due. These drafts, when presented to the Reichsbank, were immediately convertible into cash. The success of the Mefo program depended entirely on public acceptance of the Mefo bonds. But the wily Schacht had planned well. Since Mefo bonds were short-term bonds that could be cashed in at any time, there was no real risk in buying, accepting or holding them. They bore an interest of four percent - a quite acceptable figure in those days - whereas banknotes hidden under the mattress earned nothing. The public quickly took all this into consideration and eagerly accepted the bonds.
While the Reichsbank was able to offer from its own treasury a relatively insignificant 150 million marks for Hitler's war on unemployment, in just four years the German public subscribed more than 12 billion marks worth of Mefo bonds!
These billions, the fruit of the combined imagination, ingenuity and astuteness of Hitler and Schacht, swept away the temporizing and fearful conservatism of the bankers. Over the next four years, this enormous credit reserve would make miracles possible.
Soon after the initial billion-mark credit, Schacht added another credit of 600 million in order to finance the start of Hitler's grand program for highway construction. This Autobahn program provided immediate work for 100,000 of the unemployed, and eventually assured wages for some 500,000 workers.
As large as this outlay was, it was immediately offset by a corresponding cutback in government unemployment benefits, and by the additional tax revenue generated as a result of the increase in living standard (sping) of the newly employed.
Within a few months, thanks to the credit created by the Mefo bonds, private industry once again dared to assume risks and expand. Germans returned to work by the hundreds of thousands.
Was Schacht solely responsible for this extraordinary turnaround? After the war, he answered for himself as a Nuremberg Tribunal defendant, where he was charged with having made possible the Reich's economic revival:

I don't think Hitler was reduced to begging for my help. If I had not served him, he would have found other methods, other means. He was not a man to give up. It's easy enough for you to say, Mr. Prosecutor, that I should have watched Hitler die and not lifted a finger. But the entire working class would have died with him!
Even Marxists recognized Hitler's success, and their own failure. In the June 1934 issue of the Zeitschrift für Sozialismus, the journal of the German Social Democrats in exile, this acknowledgement appears:
Faced with the despair of proletarians reduced to joblessness, of young people with diplomas and no future, of the middle classes of merchants and artisans condemned to bankruptcy, and of farmers terribly threatened by the collapse in agricultural prices, we all failed. We weren't capable of offering the masses anything but speeches about the glory of socialism.


Lire aussi Hitler Democrat, de Léon Degrelle:








Aussi, nous recommandons fortement la lecture de Who Financed Hitler, dans lequel James et Suzanne Pool révèlent que le rival politique d'Hitler, Georg Strasser a été financé par un certain financier juif du nom de Paul Silverberg, et ce afin d'empêcher Hitler d'arriver au pouvoir. Antony Sutton (Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler), de son côté, se base sur une fraude "Hitler's Secret Backers" (du faux auteur Sydney Warburg). Plus de détails sur cette piste de recherche... Lire Réfutation de la thèse d'Anthony Sutton qui soutient que "Wall Street a financé Hitler", par Ivor Benson ('The Zionist Factor: The Jewish Impact on Twentieth Century History').







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Le Mythe du complot fasciste chez les intellectuels communistes (1945-1950)

Nul besoin d'invoquer des finances occultes ou d'économie de guerre pour expliquer le boum économique hitlérien, ses mesures de solidarité économique suffisent amplement! Lire à ce sujet La révolution européenne, de Francis Delaisi.

Demystification of the Birth and Funding of the NSDAP, by V.K. Clarke

Chamberlain 1939 : "C'est l'Amérique et le monde israélite international qui nous ont précipités dans la guerre."

VIDEO - Contre la haute finance, le national-socialisme









The Jewish War of Survival - PDF

by Arnold Leese

(founder of the Imperial Fascist League)


PREFACE
CHAPTER I "We Are Fighting In Defense of Freedom" (Lord Halifax)
CHAPTER II " We Are Meeting a Challenge to Our Own Security" (Lord Halifax)
CHAPTER III "We are defending the rights of all Nations to live their own lives" and "fighting against the substitution of brute force for Law as the arbiter between Nations." (Lord Halifax)
CHAPTER IV "We Are Fighting Against the Violation of the Sanctity of Treaties and Disregard of the Pledged Word" (Lord Halifax)
CHAPTER V "We Are Fighting Today for the Preservation of Christian Principles" (The (London) Times, 17th Feb. 1940)
CHAPTER VI "We Are Fighting As Our Fathers Fought to Uphold the Doctrine That All Men Are Equal In the Sight of God" (Franklin D. Roosevelt, 6th Jan. 1942)
CHAPTER VII "We Are Fighting for Democracy"
CHAPTER VIII The Theory That High Finance Caused the War
CHAPTER IX The Object Is to Destroy Fascism and Hitlerism
CHAPTER X Unprepared and Blindfolded
CHAPTER XI Hitler Always Knew His Real Enemy
CHAPTER XII Hitler Wanted Peace With Britain
CHAPTER XIII How Britain Was Egged On to Make War
CHAPTER XIV The Jews Acknowledge Their Power and Threaten
CHAPTER XV The Jews Declare War
CHAPTER XVI The Jewish War
CHAPTER XVII The Peace: Britain Defeated Whoever Wins
CHAPTER XVIII Conclusion


Chapter VIII

THE THEORY THAT HIGH FINANCE CAUSED THE WAR

There is a school of thought which believes that International Finance with its preponderant Jewish interest and the Monetary System under which most of the world has suffered from mass unemployment was doomed to be superseded by Hitler's credit system based upon a goods standard and international barter. This would displace gold, the tool of the Internationalists. I believe this myself.

But some go so far as to say that the war was brought about so that, if Hitler could be defeated, the Gold Standard Monetary System, which is fraudulent, could be maintained to the benefit of Wall Street and other large Gold Controllers.

I do not believe that.

It might be worth a war from the point of view of Wall Street, but it would not be worth this war. This war shows every trace of our having been dragged into it blindfolded and unprepared. Wall Street would not have allowed that. Wall Street knows that if the Germans won the war, there would be no more Wall Street.

In my opinion there was more to it than the survival of the fraudulent Gold Standard System. The necessities of racial survival made it urgent for the Jews to act without delay. Their considerable influence in Wall Street together with other participants in the spoils of the fraudulent system made it not too difficult to get the "Street" to support a war which was represented as inevitable.

This is not the place to go into the intricacies of monetary systems. The kernel of the problem is that credit based upon gold is insufficient for the needs of modern commerce. A short supply of money and credit is best for the usurer or money-lender, since scarcity raises the rate of interest borrowers must pay. Power to regulate the amount of money and credit available enables the controllers of Gold to dominate world affairs, economically and politically. The creation of inextinguishable national debts is part of the system of control and with control goes domination. This system of economic and financial bondage was doomed by the expansion of the barter system developed by National Socialist Germany. (For a more detailed explanation see the chapter, The Peace We Lost in A PEOPLE'S RUNNYMEDE, by Robert Scrutton, Andrew Dakers, publisher.)






Chapter IX

The Object is to Destroy Fascism and Hitlerism

At last we approach facts.

Certainly we went to war with the object of destroying Fascism and Hitlerism. But the people were not allowed to know this till it was too late to withdraw, or they would not have sanctioned it, had they had an opportunity to do so. It was not Hitler or a Fascist form of Government that was objected to but that both opposed the Jewish influence in their domestic affairs.

President Roosevelt, in a letter to the International Labour Office Conference in 1944, said:

"The welfare of the world's population and their liberty are the first and ultimate concern of those dedicated to root out from this earth every trace of Nazi ideas and Nazi methods."

The London Times' leading article of 26th September 1939, said:

"We have gone to war with the single-minded determination to rid Europe of a particular menace whose presence is incompatible with the continuance of civilized life, and it is the simplicity of this claim that resolves what the Duce feels to be inconsistency in our discrimination between Hitler and his Russian accomplice. We believe that the Russian action, lawless and treacherous as we must declare it to be, is a secondary and subordinate consequence of the original crime. The Soviet has not been a party to Hitler's previous outrages and has not shown itself to be in essence an aggressive power."

The Duce was not the only man to see inconsistency in the discrimination in favour of the Soviets, despite this dead-lame explanation.

On plenty of other occasions, politicians have assured us that we are fighting to destroy Fascism. But they do not tell us why they deem it so necessary. There was a time when it did not appear to be a necessity to Winston Churchill. In his Great Contemporaries he wrote:

"Those who have met Herr Hitler face to face in public business or on social terms have found a highly competent, cool, well-informed functionary with an agreeable manner, a disarming smile."

Again in STEP BY STEP, Churchill wrote of Herr Hitler:

"If our country were defeated, I hope we should find a champion as indomitable to restore our courage and lead us back to our place among the nations."

But of Russia, Churchill said in 1920:

"The Soviet system is barbarism worse than the Stone Age."

In a broadcast on 20th January 1940 he said:

"Everyone can see how Communism rots the soul of a nation . . ."

And later in the year on 1st April, he said:

"Communism is a deadly mental and moral disease."

From this it is not understandable why Churchill should be leading the British Empire in a war to destroy National Socialism with the aid of Bolshevik Russia.

Of Italian Fascism, Churchill said in a speech on 11th November 1938:

"Italy has shown that there is a way of fighting the subversive forces and rallying the masses of the people, properly led, to value and wish to defend the honour and stability of civilized society. Hereafter no great nation will be unprovided with an ultimate means of protection against the cancerous growth of Bolshevism."

As far back as 1926 the Financial News reported that a Committee of British Residents in Florence announced:

"We wish to state most clearly and emphatically that there exists here today nothing that can be justly termed either tyranny or suppression of personal freedom as guaranteed by constitutional law in any civilized land. We believe that Mussolini enjoys the enthusiastic support and admiration of the Italian people who are contented, orderly and prosperous to a degree hitherto unknown in Italy, and probably without parallel at the present time among other great European nations still suffering from the war."

Sympathetic readers will smile when they are reminded that in 1933 the Financial Times brought out a special eight-page Supplement under the caption:

The Renaissance of Italy Fascism's Gift of Order and Progress

The solution of the mystery is that in those days Fascism had not yet grappled with Jewish influences dominating the nation's affairs. Giuseppe Toeplitz, Polish born Jew, had just retired from the management of the Banca Commerciale Italiana, which a New York Times dispatch from Milan on January 29, 1938 (the date of Signor Toeplitz's death) estimated controlled one-seventh of all Italian industries.

We Fascists have noticed with amusement how our own Government is forced by the pressure of necessity to adopt many of the policies of Fascism. We may instance the recognition of Agriculture as basic among the industries; the necessity of ensuring that the Land is not misused by those farming it and the corporative organization of certain industries and professions.

The International Labour Office issued a report in April 1944 in which the activities of the German Labour Front established by Hitler were recommended to be "adapted for future use" after our victory. Facilities for workmen's travel, recreation and other sparetime activities, for vocational training and research on labour protection; the "Beauty of Work" service — "Kraft durch Freude" (Strength through Joy) in the National Socialist Labor Program — and the Labour Bank, "one of the chief credit institutions . . . of the whole of Europe"; "it should also be the responsibility of the Labour Commissioners," the Report of I.L.O. further outlines, "to continue all administrative services required for the administration of labor and social legislation — employment services, social insurance and the labour inspectorate." The I. L. O. Philadelphia Labor Charter actually purloins direct from Fascism its notions of industrial organizations! "It insists," says the London Times of 13th May 1944, "on the employers' right to combine freely, and declares also that if workers and employers combine to run industry collectively, there must be a third element — the Government — to cooperate and see that the rest of the community is not exploited." Similar proposals are found in the 1944 Report on Reconstruction issued by the Grand Council of the Trade Union Congress.

It was on these principles that the Fascist Corporative Organization of Industry was based! Then why should we be so keen to destroy all this? There can be but one plausible answer. National Socialism and Fascism opposed the Jewish influence in the domestic affairs of their respective countries. That we have ample proof that National Socialism and Fascism were good governments for the Germans and the Italians of their respective countries, apparently, is of no consideration. Is it that only Jewish interests matter the world over?

We may venture to doubt whether better Government for "liberated" Italy than the Fascist one can be achieved with the material at hand. Just consider this London Times report of the 25th April 1944:

"As most members of the new Cabinet are Republicans, a form of procedure was devised whereby Ministers, before taking oath, signed a declaration stating that they had accepted office with the purpose of serving the best interests of the country, but without attaching any permanent significance to the ceremony."

It was from such "accommodating scoundrels" as this that Fascism saved Italy for twenty years. At the time of this writing, every so-called "liberated" country begins a campaign of violence and outrage against its most active anti-communist elements. The same conditions are at once reproduced from which their Fascist or semi-Fascist Governments of the past had saved them.





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