Vatican official says Israel fostering intolerance of Christianity - Telegraph
The Israeli government's failure to respond adequately to Jewish extremist attacks against churches and monasteries is fostering a climate of intolerance towards Christianity in the country, a senior Vatican official in Jerusalem has warned.
Senior Catholic cleric: ‘If Jews want respect, they must respect others’
Catholic Church condemns 'price-tag' attack on monastery, urges Israel to change 'culture of contempt'
Statement by top clerics, including Jerusalem's Latin Patriarch, urges authorities to apprehend those responsible; Netanyahu: Israel will punish perpetrators severely.Christians disrespected in Christ’s Motherland
‘Price tag’ vandals consistently escape prosecution
Christian monastery near Jerusalem vandalized, door set on fire
VIDEO - Israeli Persecution of Christians in the Holy Land - 60 Minutes
Zionist American Jew Murders Christian Palestinian in Eilat
AJC Outraged by Christian Call for Congressional Investigation of Israel
Bishop Shomali’s disparaging statementes on Talmud are disturbing to friends of Christian-Jewish dialogue
Jewish and Catholic scholars are upset over the affirmations of the Vicar General of Jerusalem’s Latin Patriarch in a recent Famiglia Cristiana interview
Catholic Palestinian-American Murdered by Zionists
Profanation d'un monastère chrétien en Israel
Israeli settlers increase their attacks on Palestinian Christian sites
Jérusalem : explosion de vandalismes des lieux de cultes Chrétiens par les sionistes
Bethlehem Christians feel the squeeze as Israeli settlements spread
Jewish Projection For Christmas
Coloniser Noël : la réalité sur l’occupation israélienne et Bethléhem
Terrorisme caché dans un arbre de Noël! Israël tente d’interdire les célébrations religieuses non juives
New Anti-Christian Attack in Israel
Christianophobie : en Israël aussi
Nazareth Not Christian?
Shimon Gafsou, the mayor of the town of Nazareth, the birthplace of Jesus, was recently interviewed by The Washington Post. Gafsou wanted to tell the world Nazareth “is a Jewish city, now and forever. I would rather cut off my right arm than build an Arab school.” The same, he said, went formangers or Christmas trees or anything else that is Christian or Muslim. He added that “95 percent of Jewish mayors think the same thing.”
High above Nazareth, an Israeli mayor wants to keep his city Jewish ‘now and forever’
The Israeli mayor of upper Nazareth who called himself 'racist scum’
VIDEO - Les Palestiniens chrétiens
VIDEO -
VIDEO - La persécution des Chrétiens en Israël
Samuel Roth dans JEWS MUST LIVE!:
It was the Jew's business to remember this at all times. Especially in his dealings with the goyim, It was practically a moral obligation on the part of every conscientious Jew to fool and cheat the goy wherever and whenever possible.
The impression that this arrangement made on me at that time was the world had been created by God for the habitation and prosperity of Israel. The rest of creation--cows, horses, nettles, oak trees, dung and goyim-were placed there for our, the Jews', convenience or inconvenience, depending on God's good humor for the time being.
We despised the goy and we hated his religion. The goy, according to the stories crooned into the ears of the children, wantonly worshiped an unsightly creature called the "yoisel" (NOTE: THIS IS JESUS-CHRIST) -- and a dozen names too foul for repetition. The yoisel had once been a human being and Jew. But one day he had gone out of his mind, and in that pitiably bewildered state, had announced that he was the Lord God Himself."
“Gentiles Must Perish”—Latest Hate Crime Outburst Suppressed by Jewish Supremacist Controlled Media
Christian monastery in Israel firebombed in suspected hate crime
Cross defaced near grave of Rabbi Nachman
Crucifix defaced with Hebrew graffiti in Ukraine
La première réponse de Radbaz , qui utilise le terme Kedushat ha-Shem (la sanctification du nom de Dieu), a laissé entendre que s’incliner devant Haman aurait pu être considéré comme un acte idolâtre, reflétant la tradition rabbinique selon laquelle Haman portait une image idolâtre sur sa poitrine. Abraham Saba, qui était comme Alashkar un exil d’Espagne, a également évoqué, dans son commentaire sur Esther, la tradition rabbinique concernant l’image idolâtre portée par Haman, ajoutant, toutefois, dans une veine plus contemporaine, que c’était « comme les rois Édomites [ndt : c'est-à-dire Chrétiens] dont les fonctionnaires arborent la croix abominable sur leurs vêtements, afin que quiconque les voit se prosterne ».) (…)
La croix comme abomination
Avant de procéder à d’autres cas de comportement indiscret vis-à-vis de la croix, permettez- moi de revenir sur le terme « abomination » et l’histoire de son utilisation par les Juifs comme un moyen de se référer cacophémistiquement (mon néologisme) à la croix. L’exemple le plus lointain que j’ai pu trouver se trouve à la fin des travaux midrashiques connus sous le nom de Pirkei de-Rabbi Eliezer (Les Chapitres de Rabbi Eliezer) qui, tel qu’indiqué plus haut, a été évidemment composée en Palestine au huitième siècle. Comme nous l’avons vu, l’auteur de l’œuvre tente implicitement, en racontant l’histoire de Pourim, de résoudre un des problèmes les plus épineux dans l’exégèse du livre d’Esther : Pourquoi Mardochée a-t-il refusé de se prosterner devant Haman ? Selon PRE, Haman « avait une « image » [ tzelem ] brodée sur son vêtement, et tous ceux qui se prosternaient devant Haman saluaient également à l’ « abomination » [ to'eva ], qu’il avait faite. Madochée a vu cela et n’a pas consenti de se prosterner devant sa « chose dégoûtante » [ shikutzo ], comme il est dit : « Mais Mardochée ne s’inclina point, ni ne fit révérence » ». L’auteur de ce midrash tardif transforme Haman en un évêque chrétien portant fièrement sur sa poitrine le signe de la croix, appelée du nom peu flatteur de la trinité des termes hébreux – tzelem to’eva, shikutz. Et bien que l’auteur midrashique résida apparemment dans les Omeyyades de Palestine, il sentait néanmoins la nécessité de lier l’ancien ennemi juré du peuple juif avec le symbole central du christianisme. (…)
Mais les Juifs ne se sont pas seulement engagé dans le discours sur le christianisme et ses symboles. Les mots s’étaient, depuis l'Antiquité tardive, reportés dans les faits, comme dans la pratique, interdite par la loi de Théodose de 408, de la fabrication d'une effigie d’un crucifié le jour de Pourim. Des siècles plus tard, les juifs convertis au christianisme dans l'Empire byzantin étaient requis non seulement de renoncer généralement à toute la loi hébraïque, ses coutumes et cérémonies, mais spécifiquement de « maudire ceux qui gardent la fête du soi-disant Mardochée ... clouant Haman au bois, le mêlant ensuite à l'emblème de la croix et les brûlant ensemble ». Un tel serment pré-baptismal, datant de quelque part entre les huit et au début du dix-sept siècles, est venu jusqu'à nous depuis l'Orient byzantin. (...)
Comme Basnage, l'historien juif du dix-neuvième siècle Graetz a pu imaginer plus d'une explication de la loi de Théodose de 408 interdisant de se moquer du christianisme et de ses symboles lors de la fête de Pourim. « En ce jour », écrit-il, « les jeunes lurons [ lustige Jugend ] étaient habitués d’avoir à la main une effigie du pire ennemi des Juifs, Haman, sur une potence (gibet), et cette potence, qu’il était coutume de brûler, avait, soit par dessein, soit par accident, la forme d'une croix ». (Nous soulignons). Son contemporain, cependant, Ferdinand Gregorovius, l'historien de Rome né en Prusse, a présenté la question d'une façon un peu plus unilatérale. Gregorovius, contrairement à Graetz, appartenait à l'école qui avait tendance à considérer les Juifs comme étant eux-mêmes « responsables du mépris » dont ils faisaient souvent l’objet. Il est fortement étonnant, donc, qu'il a vu la loi de Théodose comme interdisant aux Juifs « de célébrer une certain fête [ Pourim ] au cours de laquelle ils étaient habitués à exprimer sournoisement leur haine pour le Sauveur crucifié ». Selon Gregorovius, au cours de cette journée, « ils représentaient Haman crucifié et ... le brûlaient en effigie au milieu des cris et des festivités comme s'il était le Christ » (je souligne). Comme il l'a lui-même vu (et entendu) dans son imagination, il n'y avait pas deux manières d’aborder ce sujet. Les Juifs du cinquième siècle détestaient le Messie crucifié et donnaient une « expression rusée » à leur haine en l’évacuant « au milieu des cris et des festivités » le jour de Pourim.
La loi de Théodose de 408 évoquée par ces trois chercheurs informait les gouverneurs des provinces, tel que mentionné plus tôt, qu’ils devaient « interdire aux Juifs de mettre le feu à Aman en souvenir de sa peine (châtiment), dans une certaine cérémonie de leur festival, et de brûler avec une intention sacrilège une forme faite pour ressembler à la sainte croix au mépris de la foi chrétienne, de peur qu'ils ne souillent le signe de notre foi avec leurs moqueries ».
Radbaz's first reply, which used the term kedushat ha-shem (the sanctification of God's name), implied that bowing before Haman could have been considered an idolatrous act reflecting the rabbinic tradition according to which Haman had worn an idolatrous image on his chest. Abraham Saba, like Alashkar an exile from Spain, also referred, in his commentary on Esther, to the rabbinic tradition concerning the idolatrous image worn by Haman, adding, however, in a more contemporary vein, that this was "like the Edomite (Christian) kings who have their officials wear the abominable cross on their clothing, so that whoever sees them would bow down".) (...)
The Cross As Abomination
Before proceeding to other instances of indiscreet behavior vis-a-vis the cross, let me return to the term "abomination" and the history of its use by Jews as a means of referring cacophemistically (my neologism) to the cross. The earliest instance I have been able to find occurs in the late midrashic work known as Pirkei de-Rabbi Eliezer (The Chapters of Rabbi Eliezer), which as noted earlier, was evidently composed in eighth-century Palestine. As we have seen, the work's author implicitly attempts, in retelling the story of Purim, to solve one of the thorniest problems in the exegesis of the book of Esther: Why did Mordecai refuse to bow down to Haman? According to PRE, Haman "had an 'image' [tzelem] embroidered on his garment, and anyone who bowed down to Haman bowed also to the 'abomination' [to'eva] which he had made. Mordecai saw this and did not consent to bow down to his 'disgusting thing' [shikutzo], as it is said, 'But Mordecai bowed not, nor did him reverence'." The author of this late midrash transforms Haman into a Christian bishop who proudly wears upon his chest the sign of the cross, referred to by the uncomplimentary trinity of Hebrew terms -- tzelem to'eva, shikutz. And although the midrashic author apparently resisded in Umayyad Palestine, he nonetheless felt the need to link the ancient arch-enemy of the Jewish People with the central symbol of Christianity. (...)
But Jews did not only engage in discourse about Christianity and its symbols. Words had, since late antiquity, carried over into deeds, as in the practice, prohibited by the Theodosian law of 408, of burning a crucified figure on Purim. Centuries later, Jewish converts to Christianity in the Byzantine empire were required not only to generally renounce every Hebrew law, custom, and ceremony, but to specifically "curse those who keep the festival of the so-called Mordecai ... nailing Haman to wood, and then mixing him with the emblem of the cross and burning them together." Such a prebaptismal oath, dating from some time between the eight and early seventeen centuries, has come down to us from the Byzantine East.(...)
Like Basnage, the nineteenth-century Jewish historian Graetz was able to imagine more than one explanation for the Theodosian law of 408 prohibiting mockery of Christianity and its symbols on Purim. "On this day", he wrote, "the merry youths [the lustige Jugend] were accustomed to hand in effigy the arch-enemy of the Jews, Haman, on a gallows, and this gallows, which it was the custom to burn, had, by design, or by accident, the form of a cross." (emphasis added). His contemporary, however, Ferdinand Gregorovius, the Prussian-born historian of Rome, presented the matter in a somewhat more one-sided way. Gregorovius, in sharp contrast to Graetz, belonged to the school of scholarship that tended to regard the Jews as being themselves "responsible for the contempt" with which they were often held. It is sharply surprising, therefore, that he saw the Theodosian law as forbidding the Jews "to celebrate a certain festival [Purim] at which they were accustomed to give sly expression to their hatred for the Crucified Saviour." According to Gregorovius , on that day, "they represented Haman as crucified and... burned him in effigy amidst shouts and revelry as if he were Christ" (emphasis added). As he saw (and heard) it in his imagination, there were no two ways about it. The Jews of the fifth century hated the crucified Messiah and gave "sly expression" to their hatred by venting it "amidst shouts and revelry" on the day of Purim.
The Theodosian law of 408 alluded to by all three of these scholars had instructed the governors of the provinces, as mentionned earlier, to "prohibit the Jews from setting fire to Aman in memory of his past punishment, in a certain ceremony of their festival, and from burning with sacrilegious intent a form made to resemble the saint cross in contempt of the Christian faith, lest they mingle the sign of our faith with their jests."
Why Crucify Haman?
Artistic representations of the Purim villain shed light on medieval Jewish and Christian interpretations of the holiday.
By Menachem Wecker
Luther and Michaelis were not the only ones to think that the Persian Jews in the Book of Esther should have turned the other cheek to Haman.
Michelangelo's "The Punishment of Haman"
Haman's Cross to Bear
The artist or artists who created the work, referred to as the Azor master, would have been familiar with the fourth century Vulgate, Jerome's Latin translation of the Hebrew scriptures, which used the word crux to refer to the gallows which Haman created for Mordecai, and which Haman was later hanged upon.
The word the Hebrew Bible uses for the gallows, etz, more properly refers to a tree, though Hebrew versions of the Gospel of Matthew (controversial in their own right because there are no surviving versions from Matthew's lifetime) also use the word etz in reference to Jesus' crucifixion.
Jerome's translation may have derived from the reference to Haman's crucifixion in the Septuagint, which originated a few centuries earlier--initially by rabbis, who were forced to produce the translation, and later retranslated over time by Christian scholars. In addition, the first century Jewish historian Josephus' account of the Purim story has Haman prepare a cross for Mordecai, and in Josephus' version Haman's death is by crucifixion. The fourth century monk Evagrius, who lived in Constantinople, implied in his writings that Jews of his time considered Haman's death a crucifixion.
A number of medieval Christian authorities were certain that Jews acted upon the belief that Haman, like Jesus, was crucified. For example, the early fifth-century Theodosian Codex, a set of Roman laws, insisted that Jews abstain from "celebrating a certain feast" during which they "very shrewdly" showed their "secret hatred of the crucified Savior" by representing their enemy Haman as a crucified man and burning his effigy amidst "great shouting and frenzy just as if he were Christ."
There are no other sources that clarify how widespread this practice was--or if it happened at all. But according to this source, fifth-century Jews drew comparisons between Jesus' crucifixion on the second day of Passover and Haman's hanging, which according to the Talmud occurred on the same day.
Michael Collins Piper, The Confessions of an Anti-Semite
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