Devoir de mémoire, devoir de faire tomber l'axe Iran-Syrie-Liban
Les sources qui "prouvent" que Assad a gazé son peuple sont israéliennes.
Le trauma de l'Holocauste, la mémoire des gazages et du "Plus jamais ça", détermine les perspectives de "guerres juives de survie" et permet de les justifier. Que ce soit en Allemagne, en Irak, en Libye, en Syrie, en Iran, au Liban, etc.
L'Armée
nationale s'obstinant à leur tenir tête et les expulsant même
victorieusement de partout, devait donc resurgir, comme il était
prévisible, la vieille recette inusable du gaz exterminateur que
les Anglo-américains exploitent avec un art consommé depuis la première
guerre mondiale : arme absolue pour paralyser les consciences et
justifier les coups fourrés les plus tordus quand tout espoir
s'éteint...
« Selon des
informations dignes de foi, le nombre des victimes des Autrichiens et
des Bulgares a dépassé 700 000. Des régions entières, avec villes et
villages, ont été dépeuplés par des massacres. Femmes, enfants et
vieillards ont été enfermés dans des églises par les Autrichiens et
passés à la baïonnette ou étouffés au moyen de gaz asphyxiants, etc. » (Daily Telegraph du 22 mars 1916, p.7)
Un
quart de siècle plus tard, le crapuleux bobard ayant été profitable,
les experts en désinformation britanniques reprendront purement et
simplement le filon sans même changer les chiffres ; pourquoi se fatiguer ? :
«
Au cours du plus grand massacre de l'histoire du monde, les Allemands
ont abattu plus de 700 000 Juifs polonais […] Les plus horribles détails
de la tuerie mentionnant l'utilisation de gaz toxique figurent dans un
rapport envoyé secrètement à Londres par un groupe d'activistes
polonais, etc. » Je passe sur la suite : elle est consultable au même Daily Telegraph du 25 juin... 1942, p.5.
Inouï
ce qu'on peut faire avec le gaz pour étouffer l'adversaire ! On sait
avec quelle constance et succès cette fine imposture fut ensuite reprise
ad nauseam, au point qu'elle fonctionne toujours si parfaitement
qu'elle en permet aujourd'hui cette nouvelle provocation "humanitaire"
que le monde occidental civilisé appelle une fois de plus de ses vœux : Mort au Kaiser ! mort à Hitler ! mort à Saddam ! mort à Miloševic ! mort à Kadafi ! mort à Bachar el-Assad !
Enfin mort à tous ces gueux qui s'obstinent à refuser notre pure et
sainte Démocratie ! Le gaz, les armes de destruction massives, vraies ou
supposées, ça marche toujours, et quand ça ne marche plus on vous
écrabouille aux missiles de croisière, on vous scalpelise
chirurgicalement au depleted uranium ou au phosphore blanc (non
sans vous bénir auparavant aux Droits de l'Homme : restons humains quand
même). (lire l'article complet sur Sagesse Païenne, Foi Chrétienne)
It's perfectly legitimate for Israel to recognize the Holocaust as a key
factor in formulating its defense policy, despite the liberal polemics
seeking a 'post-Holocaust' Israel
Israeli students at Auschwitz in May.
Many
years ago, I asked a senior French official to explain the strategic
logic of France's independent nuclear capacity, its force de frappe.
The Soviet Union, after all, had immeasurably greater and more powerful
nuclear capacities. There was no question of mutual destruction or
mutual deterrence.
I will never
forget his gobsmacking reply. "Our force de frappe's not aimed at
Russia; it's aimed at Germany."The previous century had been an intermittent saga of Franco-German wars, he continued, all of them the results of German militarism and aggression. Even though they were allies and partners now (with West Germany), France still needed to keep its guard up.
In other
words, its recent historical experience was the basis for a central part
of France's defense policy.
And that
was sans a Holocaust. There had "just" been bombing, shelling,
invasion, trench warfare, tank warfare, and periods of occupation.
What's
wrong with that? Why should a nation not rest its policy upon its
recent collective experience? I ask this in connection with the latest
welling up of 'anti-Holocaust' sentiment among the Israeli
intelligentsia following interviews in Haaretz with top Air Force officers
who took part in the symbolic fly-past over Auschwitz exactly ten
years ago. IAF Commander Amir Eshel said he considered that fly-past,
by three F-15s which he led, the flight of his life. Photographs of the
IAF planes over the notorious – and notoriously unbombed – rail lines
adorn many military and civilian offices in Israel's governing
establishment. Men like Eshel keep mementos of that fly-past with them
as they contemplate and plan today a possible strike in Syria or a
possible strike in Iran.
All this
seriously worries liberal opinion. In Haaretz's own editorial
two weeks ago, "Israel today is a strong, independent entity that has
been accepted by the international community. The Holocaust's memory is
a historical obligation, a monument to human brutality that must not
be forgotten. But it cannot constitute a strategic or security
consideration that statesmen and army chiefs must deal with today. They
must outline Israel's strategy and its diplomatic and military way,
while focusing on its future and on the needs of its people, who want to
live not as captives of past traumas."
Arguably
though, what's wrong is not the IAF's memorable demonstration a decade
ago nor Eshel's legitimate and proud memory of it, but rather the
unremitting inability of left-liberal Israelis to assimilate the
Holocaust into their Zionist ethos – and hence into our national history
and policy. The Yishuv, they insisted before and after 1939, comprised
New Jews, to be distinguished, if not dissociated, from the millions
writhing under Hitler's jackboot. If Rommel defeated the British and
swept through Egypt, they would fight him from the Carmel (…!)
This sad
and complex reaction, which had ramifications beyond the establishment
of the State in 1948, has been amply documented and debated by some of
our best historians.
Later,
Menachem Begin's incessant rhetorical hyperbole exploiting the
Holocaust achieved precisely the opposite effect than he intended, at
least among left-liberal opinion. His tasteless analogies – Arafat in
Beirut to Hitler in Berlin for instance – triggered an almost
instinctive spurning of any Holocaust analogy as demagogic and
devaluing.
But
arguably this instinctive reaction has itself become polemic and
hyperbolic. Such reactions become outright irrationality when Prime
Minister Netanyahu proclaimed his own Holocaust analogy,
pointing out that Iran, pursuing the Bomb, was threatening to
incinerate Israel and was denying the Holocaust.
This, of
course, is the sub-text of the criticism of Eshel and the other IAF
generals. They are accused, in effect, of reinforcing Netanyahu's
analogy by referring back to their dramatic fly-past over Auschwitz.
Well, it
certainly works with me. Whenever I see that photograph of the IAF at
Auschwitz my eyes tear. When I saw on Mossad Chief Meir Dagan's wall,
next to the government's instructions to stop Iran's nuclear ambitions,
the photograph of his grandfather, on his knees, about to be shot, the
tears flowed.
Granted, as
Haaretz asserts, Israelis "want to live not as captives of past
traumas." But, as the French official helped me understand, many people
find it natural and unavoidable to live – and make policy – as captives
of their past traumas. Our trauma was the worst of all.
Ten
years after the Israel Air Force flyby over Auschwitz, the awareness of
the Holocaust and the dread of its recurrence are consciously and
deliberately blended into the air force's policy, and into the IDF and
defense establishment's policy in general.(...)
The great value that senior air force officers attribute tothe
Auschwitz flyby- whose photographs were distributed to every air force
squadron commander and base commander - points to the Gordian knot
between the Holocaust trauma and the perception of security and army in
Israel. This knot has been preserved to this day.The people in charge
of the attacks in Syria and Lebanon (according to foreign sources) and
of preparing the air force for a future attack in Iran, see the
September 2003 flyby as one of the most important flights of their
lives.
This
means that the awareness of the Holocaust and the dread of its
recurrence are consciously and deliberately blended into the air force's
policy, and into the IDF and defense establishment's policy in general.
At the same time, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu frequently compares
the Iranian nuclear threat to the murderous outcome of the Nazis' rule,
and warns time and again that the Jewish people can trust no one but
themselves to prevent another tragedy of the Holocaust's proportions.
Journalist
Thomas Friedman wrote years ago that"Israel is Yad Vashem with an air
force."Not only is this provocative statement not denied by Israel's
policy makers and military top brass, it is defiantly adopted by them.
Israel
today is a strong, independent entity that has been accepted by the
international community.The Holocaust's memory is a historical
obligation, a monument to human brutality that must not be forgotten.
But itcannot constitute a strategic or security consideration that
statesmen and army chiefs must deal with today. They must outline
Israel's strategy and its diplomatic and military way, while focusing on its future and on the needs of its people,who want to live not as
captives of past traumas.
• First real evidence emerges proving U.S. ally behind Syria attack
by Victor Thorn for American Free Press
October 06, 2013 AFP
AMERICAN
FREE PRESS is opposed to military interventions and wars that are not
in this country’s interest and only benefit the
military-industrial-banking complex and Greater Israel.
And
with that in mind, this week, AFP examines how doctored intelligence
reports, an incoherent foreign policy and powerful special interests
have the potential to lead the United States into World War III.
Once
restricted merely to conspiracy circles, the term “false flag attack”
became part of the popular lexicon during the recent Syrian chemical
weapons debacle. Former Representative Ron Paul (R-Tex) referred to
allegations that the Syrian government had used sarin gas as a false
flag before adding, “The group most likely to benefit from it is al
Qaeda.” But even though Muslim revolutionaries were most likely involved
in the use of chemical weapons, the source of these heinous attacks can
be traced to familiar players.
On
September 17, Jason Ditz, news editor of the website “Antiwar.com,”
wrote, “Israeli ambassador Michael Oren revealed that the Israeli
government has privately been seeking change in neighboring Syria for
the past two years since the ongoing civil war began.”
Four
months earlier, Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, Secretary of State Colin
Powell’s right-hand man during his term in the Bush administration,
spoke of an earlier chemical attack in Syria.
“This
could have been an Israeli false flag operation,” he said. “You’ve got
basically a geo-strategically, geo-political — if you will — inept
regime in Tel Aviv right now.” Wilkerson is known for calling
intelligence on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction in October 2005 a
“hoax.”
In regard to Syria,
respected ex-Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) analyst Ray McGovern
averred that so-called evidence presented by the Obama administration
“would not stand up in a court of law.” According to McGovern, despite
Israel’s attempts at perpetual instability in the Middle East, saner
heads prevailed via our military’s top brass.
Scott
Baker, senior editor of the liberal website “Op-Ed News,” addressed
this issue on September 11. “McGovern says the military got to the
president, overriding even the objections of the military’s Joint Chiefs
of Staff,” wrote Baker on his website.
On
September 2, popular news website “The World Tribune” editorialized
about the military’s wise request to slow down the path to war in the
form of General Martin Dempsey, who showed his reluctance to be a
participant in this potential fiasco.
“Dempsey
has been unusually blunt in his remarks with both Obama and Vice
President Joe Biden,” opined the “Tribune.” “His assessment is that any
U.S. war against Assad will involve his foreign allies, and that means
Tehran and to a smaller extent, Moscow.”
Already,
comparisons between Obama and President George W. Bush and Vice
President Dick Cheney have been made, particularly in terms of lies and
exaggerations regarding weapons of mass destruction.
For
example, Secretary of State John Kerry stated that 1,429 people,
including 426 children, died in the August 21 chemical attack just
outside Damascus. Yet humanitarian group Doctors Without Borders, which
has doctors on the ground in Syria, estimated the total at only 355. Red
Cross Operations Director George Kettaneh directly contradicted Obama
administration claims that a Syrian man had tested positive for traces
of toxic gases in his bloodstream.
Yossef
Bodansky, the senior editor for Defense & Foreign Affairs magazine,
took it a step further in a September 1 article published on the news
agency’s website, entitled “Did the White House Help Plan the Syrian
Chemical Attack?”
As former
director of the Congressional Task Force on Terrorism and Unconventional
Warfare, Bodansky’s sources acknowledged that on August 13, at a
Turkish military prison in Antakya, representatives from Qatar, Turkey
and the U.S.—including U.S. Ambassador Robert Ford—met with Syrian
opposition leaders to unleash a “war changing development.”
Saleh
Muslim, overseer of the Kurdish Democratic Union Party, agreed with
Bodansky’s assessment, asserting that this secret meeting was “aimed at
framing Assad and provoking an international reaction.”
(...)Fayçal al-Maqdad, le vice-ministre syrien des AE, a balayé les
accusations occidentales, rappelant avec ironie le flacon présenté en
2003 par Colin Powell, le secrétaire d’État américain, représentant la
preuve d’armes chimiques que Saddam Hussein était sur le point
d’utiliser pour exterminer son peuple.
Pour lui, ce sont les groupes
islamistes qui auraient employé le gaz sarin que les États-Unis leur
ont livré, dès lors qu’ils ont vu que ces terroristes perdaient du
terrain. Aucune obligation morale de cette sorte n’est, cependant,
invoquée à l’égard d’Israël, pays qui détient le plus important stock
d’armes chimiques biologiques et nucléaires au Moyen-Orient, et qui est
le seul État à ne pas avoir signé le traité de non-prolifération
nucléaire. Ce n’est pas simplement qu’Israël possède un important
arsenal d’armes chimiques. Il s’en est servi contre les Palestiniens en
Cisjordanie et à Gaza : après l’éclatement de la deuxième Intifadha, il y
a eu plusieurs incidents rapportés de soldats israéliens utilisant un
“gaz inconnu” contre les Palestiniens, en particulier durant une
campagne de six semaines, par les forces militaires israéliennes à Gaza,
durant l’opération Plomb endurci.
Adelson,
the multi-billionaire casino magnate known for his support of
Republican causes, his close relationship with Israeli prime minister
Benjamin Netanyahu, and his Jewish philanthropy, spoke broadly on a
range of topics.
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Nov. 10, 2013.Photo by Reuters
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, to paraphrase Groucho Marx, cannot
accept any agreement that Iran has agreed to. Conversely, the only
nuclear accord that Israel can live with is one that Tehran can’t.
Actually,
nothing short of complete and utter dismantlement of Iran’s nuclear
infrastructure can convince Israel that the mullahs in Tehran have
changed their ways. That Iran has given up its quest for nuclear
weapons. That Tehran is no longer pursuing a bomb with which to achieve
regional hegemony and to threaten Israel with extinction.
In
his book “A Place Among The Nations,” Netanyahu wrote about the Iranian
drive for nuclear weapons. In this very context, he noted that a “deep
cultural and psychological distortion” of Islamic fundamentalism has
turned it into a “cancerous tumor that threatens modern civilization”.
You don’t treat cancer by reasoning with it. You need to stop it in its
tracks, and then eradicate it altogether.
In
Netanyahu’s eyes, Iran’s fanatic regime is no more capable of reversing
its raison d’etre than the National Socialists were in Germany or the
Bolshevik communists in the Soviet Union. The only realistic way of
neutralizing the clear and present danger presented by Iran is by using
the methods that worked so well against similar evil tyrannies in the
past: subjugation or regime change or both. The Allies vanquished the
Nazis by using brute military force, while the United States caused the
collapse of the Soviet Union by bringing its overwhelming economic and
technological superiority to bear.
It
follows, therefore, that any accommodation with the ayatollahs is, by
definition, weak-kneed appeasement, a clear indication of Western
naiveté, an act of capitulation to rival Neville Chamberlain’s 1938
surrender to Adolf Hitler.
Declarations
by Iranian President Hassan Rohani that Iran is not seeking a nuclear
bomb are as worthless as Hitler’s signature on Chamberlain’s infamous
“piece of paper” in which the two leaders proclaimed “their desire never
to go to war with one another again.” And under the surface of U.S.
pledges to safeguard Israel’s security one can hear distant echoes of
Chamberlain’s blunt words to the British Parliament: “However much we
may sympathize with a small nation confronted by a big and powerful
neighbor, we cannot in all circumstances undertake to involve the whole
British Empire in war simply on her account.”
Indeed,
Netanyahu’s harsh reaction to reports of the impending agreement in
Geneva were but an unrehearsed, gut-instinct rendition of a speech from
which he is sure to quote if such a deal is ultimately concluded: “We
have sustained a defeat without a war, the consequences of which will
travel far with us along our road,” as Winston Churchill told the House
of Commons a few days after the Munich Agreement was signed. And as he
told Chamberlain: “You were given the choice between dishonor and war.
You chose dishonor, but you will have war.”
The
analogy may seem contrived, lopsided or farfetched to many and perhaps
even most outside observers, but for Netanyahu, indeed for many
Israelis, the concept of “Western Betrayal” has a deep and enduring
resonance that is pertinent and prominent to this very day. In fact, its
impact has probably increased exponentially in recent decades, as the
Holocaust has claimed an ever-growing presence in Israel’s educational
system, political discourse and national psyche.
The
Munich precedent has consistently featured as a staple of Netanyahu’s
core beliefs. In “A Place Among the Nations”, written in 1995, Netanyahu
devotes significant space to the Hitler-Chamberlain analogy, comparing
Israel to pre-War Czechoslovakia, Judea and Samaria to the
German-speaking Sudetenland, a generic Arab monolith to Nazi Germany,
and the Palestinian claims of human rights abuses and demand for
self-determination to the irredentist provocations of the Sudeten Nazis
led by Konrad Henlein.
“It
is small wonder that like in other anti-Israeli schemes, the Arabs are
implementing important chapters from the propaganda strategy of the
Nazis,” Netanyahu wrote. “But what is surprising and disappointing is
that fact that elitist circles in the West were quick to ‘swallow’ this
transparent fraud.”
Unlike
Menachem Begin, Netanyahu has made only rare public comparisons between
Yasser Arafat and Hitler, but he was far less restrained when it came
to the Iranian regime and former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. In a
2006 Knesset speech, Netanyahu said that the Iranian president was even
worse than the Nazi Fuehrer. "Hitler went out on a world campaign first,
and then tried to get nuclear weapons. Iran is trying to get nuclear arms first. Therefore, from that perspective, it is much more dangerous," he said.
And
if Iran is Nazi Germany, and its nuclear plans are but an updated
version of the Final Solution, then it follows that U.S. Jews are now
being given a chance to atone for their self-inflicted silence during
the Holocaust. This was the undisguised gist of Netanyahu’s audacious “I
will not be silenced” statement this week at the Jewish General
Assembly in which he called on American Jews to fight the proposed deal
in Geneva: “When the Jewish people were silent on matters relating to
our survival, you know what happened. This is different,” he said.
That
leaves U.S. President Barack Obama with a choice of alternatively being
cast as history’s ultimate Patsy Chamberlain or as America’s
thirty-second president, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. But this is not your
Jewish grandfather’s FDR who saved the American economy from collapse
and the world from Fascist domination. This is the FDR who “abandoned
the Jews,” who succumbed to the anti-Semites in his midst, whose public
image has been slowly evolving in recent years from being a hero of the
Jews to a misguided leader who was callous about their tragic fate.
These
will be the popular Israeli terms of reference, no matter what is
ultimately concluded in a nuclear accord with Iran. Even under much
improved stipulations, Netanyahu’s scrutiny of such an agreement will be
filtered through a 75-year-old prism and a direct line will be drawn
from Geneva to Munich and back.
What President Obama means when he says he has
Israel's back is that he will partner with Israel's enemies behind its
back, giving succor to a regime that operates against both Israel and
the U.S.
“Never again” was the statement Menachem Begin made after sending a
wave of F-16s against Iraq’s nuclear reactor. "There won't be another
Holocaust in History. Never again."
No such language could have been used by President Obama in respect of the agreement reached
in Geneva. In plain English, the best that could be said of it is that —
for the time being — the mullahs can keep their crematoria, so to
speak, on standby.
That
may sound harsh. But feature the fact that President Obama has been
saying for years that he has Israel’s back. What this turns out to mean
is that he will treat with Israel’s enemies behind Israel’s back, enter a
partnership with them on terms to which the freely elected government
in Jerusalem objects, and in boasting about the betrayal declare that
Israel has good reason to be skeptical of Iran’s intentions.
The
intentions about which this deal raises questions are Obama’s — and not
just his. The concerns of those of us who opposed the elevation of John
Kerry to Secretary of State go way beyond Tehran. This, after all, is
not the first time Kerry went to Europe to treat with an American enemy
and emerged to put the gloss on the enemy’s position. He began his
political career by traveling to Paris in 1970 to meet with envoys of
communist Vietnam.
It
took fewer than five years between Kerry’s trip to Paris as a young
reserve officer in the Navy and the decision of the 94th United States
Congress to abandon free Vietnam. People tend to forget the particulars.
There were no American combat troops in Vietnam when the Congress voted
to cut off all aid to Saigon. It just decided to pivot out of Indochina
and move on, ignoring the pleas of President Gerald Ford and Secretary
of State Kissinger. The devil took the hindmost.
We’re
a long way from that in respect of Israel. But President Obama clearly
understood what he was doing when he picked Kerry as state secretary.
And picked, in Charles Hagel, a defense secretary who had also turned
against the war in Vietnam. A lot of patriotic Americans turned against
the war in Vietnam. All the more reason to remember the consequences.
The last negotiation for which Kerry plumped plunged a population the
size of Eastern Europe’s into the darkness of communism.
Neither
Kerry nor Obama were alive at the time of Munich. But the catastrophe
of 1938 was well marked on Sunday by Israeli MK Moshe Feiglin, who
called the handshake at Geneva this weekend “the Iranian version of the
Munich Agreement.” He noted that like the doughty Czechs in 1938, Israel
was not a party to the parley. “Israel today watches from the
sidelines,” is the way he put it.
One
could but add that there was one difference between Geneva today and
Munich in 1938. The envoys of the free European governments knew deep
down that they had blundered at Munich. “Imbeciles” was the word Prime
Minister Daladier of France famously muttered when, on his arrival back
at Paris, he was cheered by throngs of his countrymen. Where is the
self-awareness in the Western leadership today?
We
are but 15 years after India stunned the world by disclosing that it
had an A-bomb. Yet “after spending billions of dollars,” the New York
Times spumed in its astonishment, our spies “inexplicably gave President
Clinton no warning that India was ready to test nuclear weapons.” It
and the rest of the Left was almost inchoate with surprise when the
North Koreans betrayed their assurances in respect of their own atomic
bomb.
It
is too soon to tell what the Republicans in Washington will make of the
deal in Geneva. But there is a faction that reckons the problem in Iran
is not only the weapons but the regime, which for years has been
operating against us, surreptitiously in combat, the same as it has
against Israel. This faction reckons that Reagan would have long since
either found a way to bolster Iran’s democratic opposition or helped
found a government-in-exile of Iran that could have levied a revolution.
That is the surest way to put the “never” in the phrase “never again.”
Seth Lipsky is editor of The New York Sun.
He was a foreign editor and a member of the editorial board of The Wall
Street Journal, the founding editor of The Forward and its editor from
1990 to 2000. His books include “The Citizen’s Constitution: An
Annotated Guide,” and most recently “The Rise of Abraham Cahan.”
Haaretz--Total, unmitigated defeat
President Obama had to
choose between dishonor and war, and he chose dishonor. Now we will have
war. He has dishonored US allies in the Middle East, including Israel
and the Persian Gulf states, by abandoning their security concerns regarding a nuclear Iran
by believing that appeasing Iran is the only way to avoid war. These words are those of Churchill after the Munich Agreement was
signed, when Britain and France believed that handing Czechoslovakia to
Hitler was the only way to save the world from another war. It is
regarded as the shameful culmination of the Allies refusal to confront
Nazi aggression and gave Hitler what he wanted in exchange for his
verbal promise of "peace in our time" as Chamberlain called it.After the Munich
Agreement, Churchill gave a speech in the House of Commons on the future
consequences to Europe and the world of the agreement which he called
“total and unmitigated defeat." Following the Geneva agreement,
these warnings ring as true now as they did then. We cannot consider the abandonment of US allies only in the light of
what happened the last few weeks. This agreement in Geneva is the
culmination of the uninterrupted retreat of US power under Obama for the
last five years in the Middle East. For five years, the president has
been betraying Israel,
Egypt,
Saudi Arabia and the UAE but accommodating enemies and tyrants like Syria’s
Assad,
Iran’s Khamenei, and Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. (...) US will not be trusted again
Obama, Kerry and other White House official’s panicky statements
during the last two weeks that threatening to impose additional
sanctions on Iran will be a "march to war" reassured the Iranians that
Obama was desperate for any deal. US officials' defamatory attacks
against legitimate Israeli concerns about a potential bad deal by
calling them "war mongers" and keeping many of the details of the
negotiations from them, as well as US reluctance to attack Syria, has
told the Israelis that there is no longer any credible US military
option against Iran.
Israel is not Czechoslovakia. Israel was abandoned by its ally but it
is not broken and will never be silent. Israel is a nuclear power and
can attack Iran on its own like it did against the Iraqi and Syrian
nuclear reactors. The only obstacle is that Obama has tied Israeli hands
for the next six months of negotiations. By then Iran will be a month
away from building a bomb.
Knowing that Obama will never attack Iran militarily and will do his
best to delay Israel from attacking Iran in time will have disastrous
consequences to the Middle East.(...)
La juiverie sioniste admet qu'Israël détient un arsenal nucléaire et prétend que sa survie en dépend! C'est pour cette raison que ses voisins ont été forcés eux aussi de se munir de telles armes ou du moins d'armes chimiques.
The NYT article
by Anne Barnard reported, “Some government supporters — and indeed,
some rebel fighters — have criticized the deal as giving up weapons that
belong to the Syrian people and are needed as a deterrent against
Israel, which maintains an undeclared nuclear arsenal.But Syrian officials said that the
weapons were of little practical use and that giving them up allowed
them to claim new moral standing and draw attention to the push forthe
elimination of Israel’s nuclear weapons.”
Un Moyen-Orient sans nucléaire et sans armes chimiques, c'est surtout pas
Israël qui veut ça! C'est la Syrie et l'Iran. Israël a accumulé un
important arsenal chimique et nucléaire, soi-disant pour assurer sa
survie. En voyant Israël faire ça et les
menacer en plus, les autres pays qui environnent Israël ont
été forcés de se procurer un arsenal chimique.
Selon Peter Novick, pour reprendre contact avec la réalité et retrouver leur confiance envers le monde, les juifs doivent comprendre qu'il n'y a aucune leçon particulière à apprendre de la "Shoah"...
In his vexing new book, "The
Holocaust in American Life," Peter Novick
proposes to look at such questions as why has the Holocaust
"come to loom so large" in contemporary American culture,
what its cultural visibility says about American Jews and
American society at large and what consequences its
heightened place in our collective memory has on our
thinking and our foreign policy. In addressing such issues,
Novick, the author of "The Resistance
Versus Vichy: The Purge of Collaborators in Liberated
France" and a founder of the University of Chicago's
program in Jewish studies, takes a willfully contrarian
attitude toward the Holocaust and those he dismissively
refers to as "Holocaust-memory professionals."
He
argues that there are no "useful" lessons to be drawn from
the Holocaust, and he suggests that the high level of
Holocaust awareness in American society stems in large
measure from decisions made by Jews who "occupy strategic
positions in the mass media" -- remarks that echo assertions
made by revisionist historians who play down the Nazi crimes
of World War II.
Throughout this book, Novick contests the view that the
United States should have done more during World War II to
help the Jews, arguing that such "guilt talk" has simply
provided useful leverage in persuading Americans that they
have a continuing obligation to support Israel. He argues
that the question of Allied bombing of the railway lines to
the Nazi concentration camps "can be dismissed immediately,"
because "massive experience" taught us that "bombing rail
lines was hardly ever effective," and adds that there were
"dim practical possibilities" for other rescue attempts of
the Jews.
As for the question of why the United States did not ease
its restrictive prewar immigration policy to allow more Jews
sanctuary, he writes that America was "still not out of the
Depression, with unemployment still high" and that
"anti-immigration sentiment was so strong in Congress and
among the general public that to open the question for
debate seemed likely to worsen rather than to ease
conditions; better to leave bad enough alone."
For the first 20 years or so after World War II, Novick
observes, the Holocaust was "hardly talked about": survivors
were encouraged not to look back but to look forward to
building new lives, and the upbeat, universalist Zeitgeist
of those postwar years made the Holocaust "an inappropriate
symbol of the contemporary mood." In addition, he says, the
Cold War -- which taught that the Soviet Union, not Germany,
was the new enemy, and totalitarianism, not Nazism, the
great evil -- made "the Holocaust the 'wrong atrocity"' for
purposes of galvanizing this new thinking.
In
the 1960s, all this began to change, as the Eichmann
[left] trial raised consciousness of the Holocaust
"as an entity in its own right, distinct from Nazi barbarism
in general." The anxious prelude to the Six-Day War of 1967
fed fears of a renewed Holocaust among American Jews --
fears heightened further during the 1973 Yom Kippur War,
which left many with the image of an isolated and vulnerable
Israel.
"After 1967, and particularly after 1973," Novick writes,
"much of the world came to see the Middle East conflict as
grounded in the Palestinian struggle to, belatedly,
accomplish the U.N.'s original intention. There were strong
reasons for Jewish organizations to ignore all this,
however, and instead to conceive of Israel's difficulties as
stemming from the world's having forgotten the Holocaust.
The Holocaust framework allowed one to put aside as
irrelevant any legitimate grounds for criticizing Israel, to
avoid even considering the possibility that the rights and
wrongs were complex."
While concerns about Israel's security declined in the
1980s and 90s, Novick says, the Holocaust became more of a
focal point for American Jews during those same years
because it "offered a substitute symbol of infinitely
greater moral clarity" than the problematic
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. At the same time, he suggests,
the rise of identity politics and the "culture of
victimization" made it acceptable, even fashionable, for
American Jews "to embrace a victim identity based on the
Holocaust." In his view, the Holocaust became "virtually the
only common denominator of American Jewish identity in the
late 20th century" as assimilation and intermarriage led to
a thinning sense of Jewish commitment among the young.
It is Novick's startling contention that while "there's
nothing wrong with the affirmative lessons the Washington
Holocaust Museum attempts to teach," such lessons "seem, if
not useless, hardly necessary." He argues that the very
extremity of the Holocaust and "the extremity of the
circumstances in which it unfolded" seriously "limit its
capacity to provide lessons applicable in our everyday
world," adding that "an unintended consequence of our making
the Holocaust our central symbol of atrocity" may in fact be
a "desensitization" to other cases of mass death.
In support of this theory, he notes that the Persian Gulf
war was motivated by geopolitical considerations, not moral
outrage, and that the 1994 Rwandan genocide elicited "not
the slightest will in American political circles for any
U.S. intervention." He does not address the Kosovo crisis at
all (though his book may have well gone to press before NATO
air strikes began).
Although Novick has some useful things to say about the
dangers of dwelling in the memory of oppression, although he
can be eloquent on the sectarian use of the Holocaust as an
easy moral touchstone, such observations are completely
overshadowed by this volume's deliberate cynicism. Novick
writes that survivors' memories "are not a very useful
historical source." He glibly tosses around phrases like
"the gold medal in the Victimization Olympics" and "Jewish
moral capital." He asserts that for Jewish organizations
intent on capturing the attention of a younger generation,
"the Holocaust looked like the one item in stock with
consumer appeal."
This flippant tone reflects Novick's determination to not
merely demystify the Holocaust, but to diminish its place in
the collective imagination. While he argues that Hitler
would triumph if Jews were "to tacitly endorse his
definition" of them "as despised pariahs by making the
Holocaust the emblematic Jewish experience," the words of
the scholar Emil Fackenheim remain a potent warning of the
real dangers of forgetting the past: "We are commanded
[to remember] the martyrs of the Holocaust, lest
their memory perish," he declared in 1967. "We are forbidden
. . . to deny or despair of God . . . lest Judaism perish. .
. . To abandon any of these imperatives, in response to
Hitler's victory at Auschwitz, would be to hand him yet
other, posthumous victories."
Amazon.com
Publié
en Israël en 2007, Vaincre Hitler a suscité de très débats. Et pour
cause : l'auteur, ancien président de la Knesset y déplore le fait qu'Israël,
plus de soixante ans après Auschwitz, définit son identité quasi
exclusivement par rapport à l'Holocauste. (...) L' "autre" ne devrait
plus être perçu, selon Burg, comme une menace, mais comme un potentiel
de coopération.
Modern-day Israel, and the Jewish community, are strongly influenced by the memory and horrors of Hitler
and the Holocaust. Burg argues that the Jewish nation has been
traumatized and has lost the ability to trust itself, its neighbors or
the world around it. He shows that this is one of the causes for the
growing nationalism and violence that are plaguing Israeli society and
reverberating through Jewish communities worldwide. Burg uses his own
family history--his parents were Holocaust survivors--to inform his
innovative views on what the Jewish people need to do to move on and
eventually live in peace with their Arab neighbors and feel comfortable
in the world at large.
“This is an important book by a
very courageous man. The shadow of the Shoah and its abusive
application to the contemporary Middle East have been a catastrophe for
Jews, Israelis and Arabs alike. In Burg's view Israel must move beyond
Hitler's poisoned legacy. If they cannot or will not do this, the Middle
East will never see peace and Israel has no future.”
-- Tony Judt,
bestselling author of Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 and Professor at New York University
“An
Israeli-born son of Holocaust survivors, Burg addresses a heartfelt
plea to his countrymen: remember the past, but do not be its slaves;
pathology is neither patriotism nor statescraft. A compelling and
eloquent cri de coeur from a veteran of Israel's wars and politics.”
--
Howard M. Sachar, bestselling author of A History of the Jews in the Modern World and A History of Israel
"Burg
takes a blunt, loving, painful and desperately important look at the
state of the Jewish soul today. Anyone who cares about the future of the
Middle East and the fate of victimized peoples needs to read this book
and think hard."
-- J.J. Goldberg, author of Jewish Power: Inside the American Jewish Establishment and Editorial Director of The Forward
“This
fascinating and thought-provoking book should be read by every person
who cares about Israel. Burg's central theme is that Israeli leaders use
the memory of the Holocaust in ways that are warping the country's
soul, creating unnecessary fear, and making it impossible to achieve
peace with the Palestinians.”
-- John J. Mearsheimer, bestselling author
of The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy and Professor of Political Science at the University of Chicago
"[An] assured and provocative polemic. . . . [A] lecture with much wisdom . . . worthy of global consideration."
-- Kirkus Reviews
“An honest reflection of a tormented man searching for the universal values in Judaism.”
-- Le Figaro
“In
this book of memories and reflections, the former Knesset Speaker
delivers his disquieting findings about Israel that 'became a Kingdom
without a prophesy.'... Foremost a book of hope from a man who wants to
find ways to return Judaism to its universal calling.”
--Le Monde
“Short of being Prime Minister, Burg could not be higher in the Zionist establishment.”
David Remnick, The New Yorker
"Mr. Burg...wrote a powerful book, an indictment of how Zionism and the Holocaust have been used."
--Globe and Mail
"[A] compelling mix of polemic, personal memoir, homage to his parents and meditation on Judaism."
--The Independent
"Avraham
Burg has great faith in the creative power of argument. His book has
already provoked much controversy and now that it has been translated is
certain to provoke more. At a time when crass, catchpenny titles pour
from the presses, it is that unusual thing: A new book that matters."
Landau: 1967 lines are 'Auschwitz borders
Tourism Minister Uzi Landau called pre-1967 lines "Auschwitz borders" ahead of Sunday's cabinet meeting. Landau's
comments, quoting a well-known turn of phrase byformer foreign
minister Abba Eban from 1969, came after US Secretary of State John
Kerry visited the region and called for a treaty based on pre-1967 lines
with land swaps.
The meeting with Tourism Minister Uzi Landau took place a day after he publicly quoted the well-known maxim of former Foreign Minister Abba Eban, "The '67 borders remind us of the borders of Auschwitz."
These words were uttered by Landau at the beginning of a government
meeting that took place on Sunday (May 26) and were widely quoted in the
news broadcasts. (...) Isn't the Holocaust comparison
somewhat exaggerated? After all, the president proclaims the vision of
two states, and allows us to understand that he and the prime minister
are in agreement … (...) Former Foreign Minister Abba Eban used that expression in 1969. Dozens of years have passed since then …
"That doesn't make these borders less
Auschwitz-like. Before '67, they didn't have Katyusha rockets and
missiles to the extent owned today by Hezbollah in the north and Hamas
in the south that constitute a strategic threat to Israel. One thing
must be clear: A Palestinian state is not the solution."
Bibi: the 1967 lines are ‘Auschwitz Borders’ By Frank Dimant
CEO, B’nai Brith Canada
Once again, the United States is applying significant pressure on
Israel to advance the Middle East peace process. Not satisfied with
Israel’s freeing of over a hundred Palestinian terrorists with blood on
their hands, Israel is called upon, once again, to accept the 1967
armistice lines, better known to informed Mideast observers as the
“Auschwitz Lines”, as the basis for a starting point to the peace talks.
Ceux
que le PDG de la B'nai Brith appelle "des observateurs informés", c-à-d
ceux qui qualifient les vieilles frontières israéliennes de 1967 de
"frontières d'Auschwitz", ce sont LES POLITICIENS ET ANALYSTES SIONISTES
ISRAÉLIENS LES PLUS EXTÉMISTES!
C'est connu dans la société israélienne que ceux qui tiennent ce
discours en Israël ce sont les politiciens les plus à droite (incluant
également plusieurs analystes qui se disent "de gauche" mais qui
suivent quand même les idées radicales pro-colonisation normalisées par
la droite).
Given this state of affairs, one can certainly fathom the distrust that
Israelis have in their surroundings. Their fear of a second attempt to
exterminate them is certainly understandable, as is the term “Auschwitz
borders,” coined by legendary Foreign Minister Abba Eban [1966–1974] in
reference to a return to the 1967 borders. A nation which experienced
that less than a hundred years ago will have a hard time shutting
themselves up in a country that is just nine miles wide, especially
given the fact that there are hundreds of millions of Muslims stirring
behind those borders, and that some of those Muslims refer to the Jews
as “the descendants of apes and pigs,” call openly for jihad and refuse
to come to terms with the existence of a Jewish entity in the historic
land of Israel.
"It is
important to negotiate - and even more important that negotiations be
conducted on the basis of reality and without illusions," he said. Lieberman
noted that he has said many times that there is no solution to the
conflict, at least not in the coming years. "What is possible and
important to do is to manage the conflict," he wrote. He said that
Israel must not agree that the negotiations be conducted on the basis of
the pre-1967 borders, reminding that the late former Minister Abba Eban
“called them Auschwitz borders" due to the fact that they would
guarantee Israel’s destruction. In addition, said Lieberman, it is
important to make clear to the PA that "there will be no construction
freeze. Not in Jerusalem and not in the Jewish communities in Judea and
Samaria."
Forget About It
Pro-Israel readers of the New York Times
were startled on Sept. 15 when the Times’s widely read Sunday opinion
section featured a commentary by Ian Lustick, a professor at the
University of Pennsylvania,who contends that the long dreamed-of “two
state solution” for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is an “illusion.”
Often denounced as being a critic of Israel and accused of being
“anti-Zionist,” Lustick—who is Jewish—suggests that a variety of
elements (including self-interest on the part of many different players
involved, including American politicians) has gotten bogged down in the
two-state dream. Although he doesn’t suggest it directly, Lustick is
hinting not-so-broadly at the concept of a demilitarized, secular “Holy
Land State” first widely publicized in The Spotlight (forerunner of
AMERICAN FREE PRESS) by the late Haviv Schieber. (American Free Press, Oct 7, 2013)
Ça
montre que pour eux, il faut que les USA soient intimidants et face
l'étalage de sa puissance en faisant des guerres et en inspirant la
terreur dans le monde. Les USA sont leur "police mondiale", c'est leur
Golem, leur assurance-vie! Si les USA ne font pu peur à personne, les
juifs se croient vulnérables et sans défense!
Guerres impérialistes: Seule la guerre permanente fait survivre Israël… Un analyste politique dit que le régime israélien a besoin de
déclencher des guerres à travers le monde, spécifiquement au
Moyen-Orient, s’il veut assurer sa survie et demeurer le récepteur
principal de l’aide financière et militaire américaine, rapporte Press
TV.
Israel better off with Arab tyrants Op-ed: In the name of our egoistic interest,we only want dictators in our neighborhood. Let Washington deal with democracy and freedom of expression.
Quel
aveu! C'est ça que je dis depuis longtemps. Israel veut juste des
méchants arabes excités autour de lui, pour lui servir de repoussoir.
Car si Israel est entouré d'États modérés et pleins de bon sens, c'est
Israel qui passe pour le méchant.