samedi 6 août 2016

Le rôle central mais ignoré du Mossad et de l'Anti-Defamation League (ADL) dans les attentats sous faux drapeau d'Oklahoma City (19 avril 1995). La connexion nazie est un leurre: Straussmeir travaillait pour les services secrets comme infiltré dans l'entourage de McVeigh. Le Mossad a laissé des fausses pistes suggérant une connexion arabe irakienne, afin d'entraîner les États-Unis en guerre contre l'Irak de Saddam Hussein. Oklahoma City aurait dû être instrumentalisé comme le 11 septembre, mais l'administration Clinton a fait effacer les fausses pistes irakiennes par la police fédérale. Ce à quoi les néocons ont répliqué en révélant publiquement l'affaire Lewinsky dans les médias du néocon en chef Bill Kristol.




Michael Collins Piper on the Oklahoma City Bombing (2010)
UN ENTRETIEN AUDIO À NE PAS MANQUER

@ 32:09: L'ADL a averti les autorités fédérales que McVeigh avait publié des annonces classées dans le journal The Spotlight. Information révélée dans un article du Washington Post, mais qui a été retirée par la suite à la demande de l'ADL (puisque cela démontrait hors de tout doute que l'ADL surveillait de près les activités de McVeigh, via des informateurs tels que Strassmeir). Cette annonce devait servir à compromettre le journal The Spotlight. (Voir le texte plus bas tiré du livre de Piper "FALSE FLAGS".)

@ 39:37: Notez que, comme le faux journaliste désinformateur Chris Bollyn qui a vécu sur un kibboutz et qui a marié une agente du Shin Bet (drôle d'antisioniste qui permet à une agente israélienne d'obtenir la citoyenneté américaine!), l'agent allemand (pour le SPLC) infiltré dans l'entourage de McVeigh—Andreas Strassmeir—parlait hébreu et avait une amie de coeur dans l'armée israélienne... (Drôle de nazi!)

@ 1:07:30 : L'organisation de croissance personnelle que Piper ne veut pas nommer (pour éviter un procès) est l'Église de Scientologie. La mise en scène exigeait de faire acheter à McVeigh une carte d'appel vendue par une compagnie qui annonçait dans le journal The Spotlight. Fait des plus intéressants: cette compagnie de carte d'appels s'est révélée, plus tard, être une propriété de l'Église de Scientologie! (Depuis sa subversion par des avocats juifs financés vraisemblablement par le parrain de la mafia et milliardaire juif Bronfman, cette organisation est sous le contrôle du Mossad et collabore de près avec l'ADL. Ces mêmes avocats juifs qui ont pris le contrôle de l'Église sous la direction de Lawrence Heller, avaient tenté de ruiner Liberty Lobby en leur intentant une poursuite. Ce fut l'avocat juif anti-sioniste Mark Lane qui fit remporter à Liberty Lobby la bataille judiciaire.)

Pour plus de détails en français, lire:

Oklahoma City: la connexion israélienne serait plus significative qu'on croit
et

La main de la Ligue antidiffamation dans la tragédie d'Oklahoma City

Sur l'obsession des néocons, qui voient des complots irakiens partout, lire et écouter:

Sur le néoconservatisme derrière la guerre en Irak:

Le mouvement juif Néo-conservateur : du trotskisme au bellicisme sioniste





http://www.amfirstbooks.com/IntroPages/Book_Preview_Pages/piper-michael_collins/Judas_Goats/JudasGoats-13.5-PhotoSection.html

http://www.amfirstbooks.com/IntroPages/Book_Preview_Pages/piper-michael_collins/Judas_Goats/JudasGoats-13.6-PhotoSection.html
Source: The Judas Goats - The Enemy Within

Piper explique la connexion israélienne dans l'attentat d'Oklahoma City dans les chapitres 11 à 15 de son dernier livre, "FALSE FLAGS".


Michael Collins Piper (2013)

FALSE FLAGS: TEMPLATE FOR TERROR
An analytical critique of the covert model utilized by the conspirators who orchestred 9-11, the Oklahoma bombing, the JFK assassination, Sandy Hook and Boston. The "how" and "why" as never explained before...

CHAPTER ELEVEN:

Yes, the Mossad Was Behind the Oklahoma City Bombing . . .

If there is one thing about the Oklahoma City bombing of April 19, 1995 that is absolutely certain, it is this: undercover informants for both domestic and foreign intelligence agencies were surrounding accused bomber Timothy McVeigh, clearly tuned in to (and involved with and even directing) his most clandestine ventures.
Such private groups as the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC)—along with government agencies such as the CIA, the FBI and the BATF—were closely monitoring (and directing) the activities of at least a handful of individuals implicated in the Oklahoma bombing and the circumstances leading to that tragedy.
And in view of the ADL’s central role in the affair—demonstrated in greater detail later in these pages—it is also accurate to say the ADL’s foreign principal, Israel’s Mossad, was definitely a key behind the scenes player in the events in Oklahoma City.
In fact, it is our contention here that it was the Mossad that was the prime mover behind the Oklahoma bombing, manipulating individuals and agencies on American soil, for the ultimate purpose of bringing about the tragedy; that the Mossad’s intent was for the tragedy to be linked to the Iraqi government of Saddam Hussein and that this “false flag” could be used to force then-President Bill Clinton to invade Iraq and bring down Saddam, Israel’s hated enemy.
There is unquestionably no doubt that links to the Mossad (and Mossad assets on American soil) can be found all over the Oklahoma bombing, and although there is a wealth of information that has continued to emerge surrounding the official Justice Department and FBI cover-up of the facts about the bombing, one particularly sad fact is this: even many of those who have been quite forward in publicly discussing aspects of this cover-up have been afraid to venture so far as to suggest the likelihood of involvement by Israel’s Mossad.
Nevertheless, there is solid evidence pointing toward the role of some pivotal undercover informants in the circumstances surrounding the tragedy and, as we shall see, the involvement one of those informants in particular points directly toward the Mossad.
So with these considerations in mind, we must now begin dissecting the web of conspiracy surrounding the events in Okahoma and taking a close look at the information that underscores our thesis.
And right up front we will say that the best place to begin is by introducing an individual named Andreas Strassmeir, a young former German army intelligence officer who was illegally in the United States (having overstayed his visa) and actively (if not somewhat prominently) involved in the sometimes murky affairs of what is variously referred to as “the white separatist” or “white nationalist”movement and which is occasionally reckoned to be “neo-Nazi” in orientation. 
On May 12, 1997, writing about the Oklahoma affair, syndicated columnist Sam Francis (since deceased) raised questions about Strassmeir whom Francis described as “perhaps the single biggest anomaly in the whole case” surrounding the bombing. And the fact that Francis had dared to suggest that Strassmeir was such a mysterious figure sent shock waves through the aforementioned “white separatist” movement, inasmuch as Francis, in many respects, was quite highly regarded by key figures in that movement. 
Now, however, Francis was openly suggesting that there might be much more to Strassmeir than many in the white separatist movement believed.And that opened up a lot of uncomfortable possibilities. 
But up until the time that Francis went public with his concerns, only The Spotlight and a handful of independent publications had questioned whether Strassmeir may have had some connection to the tragic events and dared to suggest that Strassmeir was actually something more than the hard-driving white separatist he purported to be. 
However, on Oct. 20, 1997, The Washington Post rocked the otherwise complacent world of those who decry “conspiracy theories” by publishing a column by syndicated commentator Robert Novak that suggested that undercover government informants—specifically Strassmeir—may have been moving in Timothy McVeigh’s circle prior to the Oklahoma City bombing. 
Novak focused on what he called “grave and disturbing questions” raised in a book by Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, the longtime Washington correspondent for The Daily Telegraph of London.The book, entitled The Secret Life of Bill Clinton: The Unreported Stories, opened with 108 pages of facts about the bombing unearthed by Evans-Pritchard. 
Novak advised his readers that the English writer was “no conspiracy-theory lunatic” but instead “was known in Washington for accuracy, industry and courage.” Evans-Pritchard had “offered leads to discovering a pattern of lies and deception after Oklahoma City that, if verified, would approach Vietnam and Watergate in undermining American citizens’confidence in their government.” 
In particular, Novak described Evans-Pritchard’s inquiries into the strange activities of Strassmeir. Evans-Pritchard says he is “certain” Strassmeir was “under federal protection.” 
The English investigator also examined the activities of another individual, Dennis Mahon, who was closely associated with Strassmeir prior to the bombing. 
According to Evans-Pritchard,Mahon was convinced that Strassmeir was actually a federal undercover informant reporting back to either the FBI or the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF)—or both— on the activities of so-called right-wing extremists. 
Novak’s report (based on Evans-Pritchard) echoed what The Spotlight reported (as follows) on June 16, 1997:
Americans relying on the major networks and on wire service reports about the McVeigh trial were told little—if anything—about proposed testimony by former paid BATF informant Carol Howe whose information could have shed light on not only:

• Foreknowledge by federal authorities of a plot to bomb the federal building in Oklahoma City; but also

•The possibility that a federal undercover agent was actively encouraging such activity. . .

On May 28, 1997, The Denver Post also gave its readers an account of Howe’s allegations saying her testimony could have been “one of the biggest wild cards in Timothy McVeigh’s trial.” Miss Howe charged that German immigrant Andreas Strassmeir had talked about bombing federal buildings.

The Denver Post also reported that “although the FBI and federal prosecutors repeatedly denied that either Strassmeir or Mahon were suspects in the bombing, documents turned over to the defense prove that they were and that Howe was extensively interviewed by federal agents two days after the bombing.” The Post also reported that “the government has refused to talk about Howe.”

Then, the judge in the McVeigh trial, Richard Matsch, ruled in what The Rocky Mountain News described on May 28, as a “closed door session” that Howe’s testimony was “irrelevant” and would not be permitted.

Despite the successful effort to block Miss Howe’s testimony, investigators who have been examining all of the evidence have repeatedly focused—in particular—on the role of the enigmatic Strassmeir.

The role of Strassmeir’s close friend and attorney, Kirk Lyons, who popped up some years ago in the “right wing,” is also drawing attention, inasmuch as it was Lyons who played a key role in spiriting Strassmeir out of the country and out of the hands of the McVeigh defense. (In fact, McVeigh is known to have actually called Lyons’ office just prior to the bombing.)

 This has led to speculation that Lyons was actually functioning as Strassmeir’s “handler” for the federal government, which, of course, wanted to keep any evidence of its foreknowledge of any bombing conspiracies out of the reach of the McVeigh jury—particularly since its own reputed informant was perhaps acting as an instigator.*
Evans-Pritchard’s new book also contained intriguing information about the likely identity of the now-infamous “John Doe No. 2.” The English writer suggested that Doe No. 2 is actually a Pennsylvania man, Michael Brescia,who was seen with McVeigh and Strassmeir on at least one occasion.However, in the end, it is likely that there were many other “Does” involved as well.
* NOTE [p. 132]: In my book The Confessions of an Anti-Semite, I outlined in some detail how, over a period of years—well before the Oklahoma bombing—I had come to conclude that, although Kirk Lyons was much-admired in the white separatist movement, Lyons was almost certainly some sort of government informant. And as we now know for certain—particularly in the wake of the Oklahomba bombing—although Lyons postured as a “white separatist,” he and his associate, Dave Holloway (also known as D. Michael Holloway) a former CIA pilot, (and their friend Strassmeir) were deep in the world of intrigue, betraying many good people who believed in them.

It is my personal speculation that Lyons (for whatever reason) had been coopted by the federal government at some time in his career and allowed to express what may (or may not) have been his personal views on racial matters—perhaps akin to the manner in which the FBI permitted its informant, Bill Wilkinson—a leader of one influential faction of the Ku Klux Klan—to vent against Blacks (but not against Jews)—even as he (Lyons) was acting as an intelligence asset inside the white separatist movement.


Although, theoretically (and legally) nothing that any of Lyons’ clients had said to him could be used against them in any potential criminal cases, due to the standard of attorney-client privilege, that did not exempt or deny Lyons the opportunity to forage for any details about his clients’ associates and their activities and to later provide such data to the ADL, the Southern Poverty Law Center or to any number of law enforcement agencies. And that is what I believe that Kirk Lyons was doing for many, many years. And I don’t think Lyons will dare to sue me for saying so, because he—if anybody—knows that I am right on target.

According to Kirk Lyons, Strassmeir came to the United States because of his (Strassmeir’s) interest in Civil War reenactments. Sounds innocent enough.However, in light of Strassmeir’s involvement in “Civil War reenactments,” it is worth noting, according to John Hurley—the longtime head of the Confederate Memorial Hall (CMA) in Washington, D.C.—that the CIA has frequently used Civil War reenactment activities as a front for their own covert operations. Hurley is knowledgeable on these subjects, having tangled with the CIA when it used front men in an attempt to seize control of the CMA and use it for its “black ops.” In any event, British writer Evans-Pritchard commented:
It is assumed that Strassmeir could not have been a CIA asset because he was operating on U.S. soil.
But this is not necessarily the case. He could have been reporting to the domestic services section of the CIA, which has offices all over the country. Under usual procedures, his reports would be passed through them to the CIA’s Directorate of Operations. Or alternatively, he could have been an FBI operative working under CIA auspices.
My own conjecture, for what it is worth, is that Strassmeir was a shared asset, on loan to the U.S. government, but ultimately answering to German intelligence.
Evans-Pritchard also pointed out that the federal prosecutors portrayed McVeigh as “an anti-government radical set on avenging Waco” but have “downplayed” McVeigh’s links to the circles in which Strassmeir was operating. And, he added, “the U.S. press has followed suit. The question is why. Why deflect attention from the white supremacist movement?”

But it gets murkier. The June 8, 2001 issue of the Times of London featured a revealing story about Strassmeir, in which the authors concluded that Strassmeir probably was an undercover operative. The Times reported: “The syringe that executes McVeigh will also drain Strassmeir of significance; giving him the status of a footnote.”

In other words, it would eliminate the one person who could finger Strassmeir.

The newspaper noted Strassmeir could read Hebrew—Israel’s state language—as a consequence, it was said, of having had a girlfriend who served in the Israeli army, “not exactly the typical choice of a neo-Nazi,” the Times added.

In addition, the Times pointed out that when Strassmeir first arrived in the United States, he “found friends easily—retired Army officers, CIA veterans, history buffs—and became part of a network”which the Times said “is powerful in the U.S., a web of influence that stretches into the Pentagon and the federal agencies, in churches and boardrooms, on the oil rigs and building sites.”

This is hardly the profile of your average “neo-Nazi extremist” but certainly that of an intelligence operative.

Additional evidence brought forth by independent investigator J.D. Cash strongly suggests Strassmeir was the undercover informant who tipped off his federal handlers (who in turn then tipped off the German authorities) that Gary Lauck, a Nebraska-based publisher of so-called “holocaust denial” literature was making a trip to Denmark.

During that trip, Lauck was taken into custody and then deported to Germany to be tried, convicted and jailed under Germany’s “thought control” laws for his role in distributing literature (printed in the United States) that is illegal in Germany.

Although Timothy McVeigh’s first attorney, Stephen Jones, and later, his final attorneys prior to his execution—Rob Nigh, Richard Burr, Nathan Chambers and Christopher Tritico—all charged that Strassmeir was a key player in the Oklahoma bombing scenario, the U.S.media kept that information under wraps.

When McVeigh’s attorneys appealed to block McVeigh’s execution, they cited newly-released FBI documents which suggested that “there was . . . evidence, withheld by the government, that another person could well have been the mastermind behind the bombing.”

The attorneys named Strassmeir and his friend, Dennis Mahon, as possible co-conspirators, charging the FBI engaged in a “scheme to suppress evidence” of their roles, alleging that information in the FBI documents “suggested that one of the other participants in the bombing was an informant for federal law enforcement officers.”

In fact, in time, solid evidence began to emerge which most definitely pointed toward Strassmeir as an undercover informant.

The aforementioned independent investigator, J.D.Cash, and his colleague, ex-Marine Lt. Col. Roger Charles, pinpointed evidence, taken from a declassified FBI document, proving that Andreas Strassmeir was an informant working under cover (posing as a “neo-Nazi”) on behalf of Morris Dees and his Birmingham, Ala.-based Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), a private intelligence operation.

The document, an electronic four-page Teletype message, dated Jan. 4, 1996, was sent by then-FBI Director Louis Freeh to FBI offices involved in the Oklahoma bombing investigation. The existence of this document was first exposed by Cash and Charles in the Dec. 14, 2003, issue of Oklahoma’s The McCurtain Daily Gazette.

Although heavily redacted, the document confirmed what The Spotlight reported about Strassmeir and his close friend and attorney Kirk Lyons. Within the document, the FBI director makes a reference to an SPLC informant being in place at the Elohim City “extremist” compound, on the Arkansas-Oklahoma border and confirms a telephone call was made to that informant on April 17 two days before the bombing.

Although the names of the caller and the person being called were blacked out by FBI censors, it had been documented that, around that time, Timothy McVeigh made a telephone call to Elohim City seeking to contact Strassmeir, who was reportedly unavailable to take the call.

The FBI memo further indicated that a person at Elohim City had “a lengthy relationship with one of the two indicted [bombing] conspirators” (McVeigh and Nichols).

Multiple independent investigators have documented that Strassmeir was with McVeigh on several occasions over an extended period, prior to the bombing.

The FBI, Lyons and others—including the SPLC—have insisted that this did not prove Strassmeir was involved in the bombing. However, it is now clear—based on separate information, coupled with revelations in Freeh’s memorandum—that the SPLC informant was indeed Strassmeir.

Cash and Charles concluded that “references to an informant working for the SPLC at Elohim City on the eve of the Oklahoma City bombing raise serious questions as to what the SPLC might know about McVeigh’s activities during the final hours before the fuse was lit in Oklahoma City—but which the SPLC has failed to disclose publicly.”

Both investigators reported that when Dees of the SPLC was pressed to explain what his informant was doing at Elohim City, he offered the following explanation: “If I told you what we were doing there, I would have to kill you.”

Dees claimed that the SPLC didn’t have McVeigh on its “radar screen” until after he was arrested. However, that conflicts with evidence McVeigh was being closely monitored by the SPLC-allied Anti-Defamation League (ADL) as much as a year before the bombing. The ADL and the SPLC regularly trade spy data gleaned from informants.

Although the FBI said Strassmeir was expected to flee into Mexico “in the near future,”Cash and Charles point out that “none of the offices that received this FBI director’s memo [was in] Texas, where Strassmeir had just arrived and [from which he] was expected to make an escape across the Mexican border.” In addition, the FBI made no effort to visit Lyon’s office in North Carolina, where Strassmeir apparently hid out before fleeing to Mexico.

According to the Gazette, “Although Strassmeir was wanted for questioning in the Oklahoma bombing at the time of his escape and was illegally in the United States, those facts were known to attorney, Kirk Lyons . . . who has never been charged with harboring a fugitive, obstructing justice or disciplined by the [bar association] for his admitted role in assisting a client to elude federal authorities.”

The totality of the evidence, including the FBI memo, suggests Strassmeir was protected by the FBI, even before the bombing. Initially, the office of the BATF in Tulsa, Okla., had sought an arrest warrant for Strassmeir after one of its informants, Carol Howe, announced Strassmeir’s reported plans to bomb a U.S. federal building. That was in February 1995—two months prior to the Oklahoma bombing.

The Gazette alleged that Bob Ricks, special agent in charge of the Oklahoma City FBI office, enlisted the U.S. attorney in Tulsa, Steve Lawrence, to prevent Strassmeir’s arrest and a planned raid on Elohim City where Strassmeir was living.

In preparation for McVeigh’s trial, his attorney, Stephen Jones, requested FBI documents relating to its surveillance of Elohim City. However, the FBI claimed it had no information linking McVeigh to anyone there, and that is now clearly shown to have been a lie.

So although Strassmeir spent seven years in the United States, including time after his visa had expired, he was never interviewed by the FBI, despite the fact he was associating with neo-Nazis under investigation, including several linked to a nationwide bank-robbing spree.

The FBI never needed to speak directly to Strassmeir because his handlers such as Kirk Lyons and the SPLC acted as conduits for Strassmeir and passed his information on to the agency.That has been a long-standing strategy employed by the SPLC and the ADL in the handling of intelligence from informants and the conveyance of that data to the FBI and other law enforcement bodies.

Thus, it is no surprise that Dees and the SPLC and the ADL have worked to suppress the role of Strassmeir in the bombing and quick to dismiss the charges about Strassmeir made by BATF informant Howe.

The attacks on Howe echo the same language used by Strassmeir’s friend Kirk Lyons who, from the beginning, joined Dees and the ADL, along with all of the elite media trying to suppress the Strassmeir link.

That the ADL and Dees are adamant in discounting the involvement of a purported“neo-Nazi” in the Oklahoma scenario raises the question: “Why?” After all, the ADL and Dees have always reveled in finding “neo-Nazi” connections to any and all tragedies.The only explanation for the ADL-SPLC reticence to “linking” this particular “neo-Nazi” to a major act of terrorism is that Strassmeir was a “snitch” all along.

Now, in the pages that follow, we will explore the Strassmeir connection further and find, indeed, that the Mossad itself can be linked to his intrigues. And we’ll also learn further that there is evidence pointing toward even Timothy McVeigh’s ultimate understanding that he, like Lee Harvey Oswald before him, was but another “false flag”—another patsy—being manipulated in a frightening template for terror.



CHAPTER TWELVE:
Andreas Strassmeir:
The Mossad’s Man in Place
in the Oklahoma Bombing

The Oklahoma City bombing was was followed by years of independent inquiries by diligent researchers convinced (and rightly so) that the U.S. government covered up what really happened in America’s heartland. After the bombing, there was a big cover-up going on—the patriot investigators were right about that—but they didn’t understand “why.”
Although dissident assessments of the Oklahoma bombing did receive widespread attention in the “patriot”movement in America one thing about those critiques of the official government version of events was consistent: While all of those patriot-based critiques had distinctly differing theories—some blamed“the FBI”and some“the BATF”and others fingered “Bill Clinton and the New World Order,” or a combination thereof—none mention the possibility that the Oklahoma bombing conspiracy was ultimately manipulated by Israel’s Mossad.
Most researchers avoided this data.and continue to do so. It was easier and less controversial to say: “The U.S. government orchestrated the bombing to pave the way for setting up a police state,” than to point one’s finger in the direction of the Mossad.
But you’ll notice that no police state emerged in the wake of the bombing, although the truth is that there were elements at work—linked, by the way, to the Israeli lobby—who did do their damnedest to bring police-state style legislation into place.
Our thesis here is that Israel orchestrated OKC trying to frame Saddam Hussein for the crime so as to force Bill Clinton to wage war against Iraq. In fact, energetic efforts were made to link Timothy McVeigh to Iraqi Arabs in Oklahoma City who were said to be agents of Saddam. And in a subsequent chapter,we’ll explore that further.
But—to his credit—Clinton wouldn’t go along with the program. Clinton wouldn’t buy into the Mossad-sponsored theme that the bombing originated with Saddam or from some element (perhaps even Osama bin Laden) in the Arab or Muslim world.
As such, Clinton ordered the FBI to opt for a “lone nut”explanation. The FBI purposely ignored or otherwise covered up leads “linking” McVeigh to Arab operatives and limited the inquiry to McVeigh (and his friend Terry Nichols) and cut off all investigations which extended into sensitive areas and individuals involved in the web of conspiracy manipulating McVeigh prior to the bombing. And we refer here, primarily, to the enigmatic Andreas Strassmeir whose bizarre history and we’ve already examined and more about whom we will learn in this chapter.
And to the extent that McVeigh did have any connections to Arabs prior to the bombing, those operatives were clearly assets of Israel’s Mossad, although McVeigh,most assuredly, did not know that.
So what happened was that the Clinton administration refused to follow Israel’s lead and instead covered up the “evidence” and “links” that Israel’s Mossad laid in place with the intent of convincing the public that there was a “Middle East connection” to the bombing.
This intended “false flag” planted in place by Israel was hauled down by Clinton and company and Timothy McVeigh ended up being the primary patsy. And Israel failed to get its war against Saddam—at least then, anyway.
Next time, though, with 9-11, Israel achieved its goal and the United States went full force into the Middle East, fighting Israel’s wars of survival, launching an all-out offensive against “Muslim terrorism.”
There was indeed, let it be said, a Middle East connection to the Oklahoma bombing, but it was the Israeli connection—not an Arab or Muslim connection.
And although the now-defunct Spotlight largely stood alone in trying to demonstrate to independent-minded people of the point that Andreas Strassmeir and his associates were clear links to an Israeli connection to the Oklahoma bombing, a new book, entitled Oklahoma City: What the Investigation Missedand Why It Still Matters, comes probably as close as any from a mainstream publisher ever will to hinting the Mossad had a link to the events in Oklahoma City.
The authors—Andrew Gumbel, a distinguished British journalist, and former Marine Lt. Col. Roger Charles—will probably cringe if they read this assessment of their findings, but it is on the mark.
Charles is interesting:A producer on some of ABC’s OKC coverage, he also worked with the late independent OKC investigator John Cash and with McVeigh’s defense team. He and Cash separately visited The Spotlight newspaper to find out what our team knew about the mysterious German, Andreas Strassmeir, whose murky activities linked to McVeigh are—as the book makes clear—a key to understanding OKC.
And please note this carefully: McVeigh himself told his cell-mate in federal prison—only to be revealed after McVeigh’s execution—that The Spotlight’s reporting on Strassmeir was on target.
While the book will disappoint many who devoted study to Oklahoma City,churning over minutiae perceived as“evidence”of a conspiracy, the book is “must” reading exactly because it explodes myths many patriots think are “gotcha” items proving a cover-up.
As in the JFK assassination and in 9-11, there are a lot of popular (now legendary) theories founded in misunderstanding, then passed along by word of mouth and from one book to another, and which are now carved in stone in conspiracy lore.
Many well-meaning sleuths contributed to this state of affairs, and in the realm of the circumstances surrounding the Oklahoma City bombing, the authors of this book do a service setting the record straight.
They will upset some folks, but the truth counts, no matter whose feelings are hurt.
However, the book does prove there was a lot of outright cover-up and corruption—and incompetence—that led to the outrageously falsified U.S. government explanation of OKC.
The authors only go so far as to suggest that still-hidden strands of the OKC conspiracy connect to a gang of “white racist” bank robbers—linked to Andreas Strassmeir—who claimed to be  motivated by their goal of a “white revolution.”
But it’s obvious the U.S. government was and continues to be determined to suppress all of this since its tentacles could lead toward a realm the government prefers to avoid.
In short, while the authors don’t say it, the truth is—as The Spotlight demonstrated in its ground-breaking OKC coverage—pursuing the “white racist” connection would lead directly to the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith and the Southern Poverty Law Center, both of which were in control of (or monitoring) individuals surrounding Timothy McVeigh.
And one of them was the aforementioned Strassmeir who postured as a “white separatist” but who was, Gumbel and Charles make clear, an intelligence informant protected at the highest levels.
The government did not pursue Strassmeir precisely because he was a direct link to Israeli intelligence, of which the ADL is an American conduit and which often operates on a strategic level with the SPLC. And the evidence indicates that the SPLC was utilizing Strassmeir as one of its agents.The authors outlined Strassmeir’s Israeli connections:
There were things about Andreas Strassmeir that his friends in the revolutionary Patriot Movement did not know and would have been intrigued, or appalled, to find out. Despite his pedigree as the grandson of a Nazi, he was fascinated by Israel and spent three summers on a kibbutz in the Jezreel Valley, near the Golan Heights. He had enrolled in Hebrew classes as a teenager in Berlin, and spoke the language fluently.

During his second stint at the kibbutz, he was given an Uzi and put on security detail; during his third, he was sent on patrol on the Green Line between Israel and the West Bank, a job usually reserved for the military. When he was asked in an interview if he had worn an Israeli Defense Force uniform, Strassmeir’s expression changed noticeably and he broke into an embarrassed smile before insisting he had gone out in jeans.

Strassmeir acknowledged that he “bumped into” General Rafael Eitan, the architect of the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon—an encounter captured in a photograph of them at Golan Beach, near Lake Galilee.

And he did not explicitly deny that he had contact with Mossad, the Israeli security service . . . .

Strassmeir was a German army officer by then, and his career took an interesting turn when he returned home: he was seconded to intelligence work. . . . [His] infantry battalion nowused him to sniff out East Germany informants and spies. At some stage, Strassmeir was asked to fill in as the head of the battalion’s intelligence unit, which gave him access to the army’s internal reports.

This history strongly suggests that Strassmeir was not the radical right-winger he appeared to be, and might even have been a government agent of some sort, spying on extremists in the United States. . . .

Who might he have worked for? The Germans were certainly interested in intelligence on American radicals, because they worried that money and propaganda materials from the United States were fueling neo-Nazi violence at home. The Israelis were interested, too.
Despite all this—perhaps litigation conscious—the authors court the good will of Strassmeir’s close friend and attorney, Kirk Lyons, wrapping up their eye-opening account of Strassmeir’s Israeli ventures by parroting Lyons’ claim that “Andi” was just a lazy kid they called “Sofameir,” because he was always “sacked out.” Yet one of Lyon’s backers came up with an overnight express of $6,000 cash to help Lyons spirit Strassmeir out of the country when government investigators initially looked in his direction. What do you think?
In fact, as we now know, it was the now-defunct Spotlight—whose reporters went on to found American Free Press—which was the one newspaper that wrote articles about the Oklahoma bombing that Timothy McVeigh privately said “hit very close to home,” and specifically in reference to the activities of Andreas Strassmeir.
Our coverage in The Spotlight was unique (and obviously of interest to McVeigh) in that it focused on the “big picture,” conveying evidence McVeigh was a small cog in a wide-ranging conspiracy involving multiple intelligence agencies and informants working with McVeigh and his inner circle and manipulating their actions. And that, ultimately, to be found in the background, was Israel’s Mossad.
Now much of what The Spotlight first wrote has finally been confirmed for the first time.Although McVeigh publicly claimed he was a “lone bomber,” privately he said The Spotlight was aiming in the right direction, even thwarting his effort to claim a singular role in history.
Two of McVeigh’s friends from death row at the federal prison in Indiana published a book telling the“inside”story of the bombing, based largely on what McVeigh told them really happened. Secrets Worth Dying For, by David Paul Hammer and Jeffrey William Paul, probably comes much closer to the truth than any other book on the subject.
And although McVeigh publicly proclaimed himself as a “lone bomber”—even dismissing the role of his friend, Terry Nichols—McVeigh told a far different version to his friends in prison. As such, what Secrets reported is far more credible than what is found in “mainstream” media books.
The Hammer-Paul book contends that McVeigh was recruited (while still in the military) by one of his superiors to immerse himself in the rhetoric and lifestyle of the American “militia” and “patriot” movements, traveling from gun show to gun show, reporting back his findings. In short,McVeigh was a federal “snitch.”
However, although unusual from a psychological standpoint, McVeigh evidently shared the views of those he was informing on.
Eventually, McVeigh was ordered to organize a team of “extremists” to carry out a terrorist bombing in the United States in order to give the federal authorities the opportunity to crack down on political dissidents in this country. McVeigh did orchestrate a bombing conspiracy (the details of which he reported back to his superiors) and that conspiracy included at least one other undercover informant, the now-notorious Andreas Strassmeir.
McVeigh himself sent a letter to this author, Michael Collins Piper,from his cell on death row at the federal prison in Terre Haute, Indiana. Inside the envelope was a print-out of an article about an individual named Cary Gagan who claimed to have inside knowledge about the Oklahoma bombing. In his own handwriting on the print-out, McVeigh wrote,“One lie too many smokes out a con artist,” evidently suggesting that Gagan was a liar.
But what made this note from McVeigh interesting was the fact that never once had I written anything about Gagan. Instead,my writing for The Spotlight focused almost exclusively on the Strassmeir connection.
My immediate reaction to receiving this note from McVeigh was to make the deduction that McVeigh was indirectly communicating to me (through a round-about, indirect means) was that what I actually had written was on the mark.
And now, of course, I have the satisfaction of knowing that I was very much on target, much to the dismay of Andreas Strassmeir, Kirk Lyons and all of their allies and handlers (both here on American soil and in Israel and elsewhere) in the murky world of covert action.
Another odd item that should be mentioned for the historical record—and this is a point that has been widely forgotten, even among the most thorough of the independent Oklahoma City researchers—the existence of another mysterious McVeigh associate: the guy with the red sports car, first brought to attention by British journalist Ambrose Evans-Pritchard and later publicized by The Spotlight.
Catina Lawson, a young lady in Kansas who came to know McVeigh circa 1992 (when McVeigh was tooling about the country mixing it up the militia groups, white separatists, and Andreas Strassmeir) described the mystery man: "It was weird that summer. There was always this elder gentleman with Tim, mid 40-ish, with a red sports car. He seemed out of place, but he was always around."
Other witnesses report seeing McVeigh with this same character in Kansas during that same time frame. Yet of all of the players in the Oklahoma affair who have been identified, to one degree or another (however incorrectly, in some cases,we might add), no one—including British journalist Evans-Pritchard who discovered him—seems to have been able to place a name on this chap.
In fact, however, we do know the identity of a close friend (and client) of Kirk Lyons—just like Andreas Strassmeir—who was then (and remains today) active—in a markedly influential but still notably “behind the scenes” fashion—in the white separatist movement. And it just so happens that this individual (at that time) was “mid-40-ish” and known to drive a hot red Fiero sports car.
And it is also known that—at the very time when The Spotlight was publicizing and seeking to identify McVeigh’s friend with the red sports car—the Lyons client in question put his own sports car up for sale, after having painted it over with gold, a process that automotive paint
experts say is not only difficult but expensive.
The editorial staff of The Spotlight came to conclude—based on the Lyons-Strassmeir connection to McVeigh and the Oklahoma affair—that this red sports car driving individual was indeed Lyons’ other friend and client, but never reported the name due to certain legal considerations, too complicated to explain here.
But suffice it to say that, long after the Oklahoma bombing, on July 12, 2002, a major Philippine government, The Manila Times, published an odd article which said in part:
United States intelligence officials have released the names of 25 international terrorist suspects believed to have slipped in and out of the Philippines in the last four years . . .

Little is known about the names on the list. American sources said the individuals on the list come from different organizations and additional information could jeopardize ongoing investigations.

But at least one man, the German Andreas Strassmeir, has been linked to the April 19, 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City.
The Philippine newspaper published the list of the 25 names (most of which names were unknown to those of us who had monitored the matter.) However, the name of the Lyons associate—whom we believed to be McVeigh’s friend with the red sports car associated—was on that list, along with Strassmeir.
In some respects the fact that this particular individual popped up in this way was no surprise, inasmuch as we had long ago concluded that this individual was, in fact, someone with some rather unusual connections in what might be called the highest (and lowest) realms. However, at the same time, it was a disturbing (even eerie) underscoring of our suspicions.
And considering the fact this individual’s name had never before been linked publicly to Strassmeir or to published data relating to Oklahoma bombing, it was remarkable, to say the very least, that his name appeared (linked to terrorism) in a Filipino newspaper.
Our international efforts—via the resources of American Free Press (successor to The Spotlight)—to track down the author of the Manila Times article were unsuccessful.
And the red sports car suspect in question seemed to express genuine surprise (when contacted) when he learned that his name had been published in the Filipino journal. He denied ever having traveled to the Philippines, but was, naturally, unable to actually deny with certainty that his identity had ever been used in some way by someone else involved in some international intrigues.
The mystery of the individual with the red sports car will probably never be resolved,but it points further to the global web of intrigue connected to Andreas Strassmeir, his friend and attorney Kirk Lyons and groups such as the Southern Poverty Law Center and the Anti-Defamation League—not to mention the Mossad—that have swirled around dissident political movements in America.
Then, as now, they were using their considerable resources and influence to manipulate individuals and organizations and on April 19, 1993 all of it came together in Oklahoma City.
There is much, much more to the ugly “story behind the story” of the Oklahoma City bombing and in the pages that follow we will explore all of this further.
In his book Others Unknown McVeigh’s defense lawyer, Stephen Jones, noted that, at the very beginning,when he met with Susan Otto—the public defender who initially handled McVeigh’s case before Jones came aboard—she had told him to prepare himself, saying, “When you know everything I know, Stephen, and you will soon enough, you will never think of the United States of America again in the same way.”
And for this own part, Jones said, “the Oklahoma City bombing conspiracy may not merely be the crime itself but also the systematic, deliberate attempt of our federal government to prevent all of us from finding out what exactly happened on that terrible April morning.”
All of those are strong words from two different lawyers who have no reason to make such extraordinary pronouncements. One of them actually worked for the federal government at the time and Jones had a long and distinguished career moving in high government circles, even including service as a ranking staffer on Capitol Hill in Washington.
Neither of these attorneys can be considered “anti-government extremists,” but they certainly had considerable doubts about the U.S. government’s role in the circumstances surrounding the investigation—or rather, the cover-up—of the Oklahoma bombing.
Moving forward, however, we will see that the template for terror that was set in place and which led to the Oklahoma tragedy was clearly not strictly American in origin, but, in many ways, cruelly manipulated and mislead many Americans—including even good people in government service—in a variety of insidious ways.
In some respects, it may not even be too far off to conclude that the American government—for whatever its reasons—may have actually done the American people a service in covering up at least certain aspects of the Oklahoma bombing conspiracy, for, in so doing, they may have helped us avoid a foolish and unnecessary foreign war in the Middle East. If only that had been the case after the subsequent false flag provocation remembered as 9-11.



CHAPTER THIRTEEN:
Timothy McVeigh and the ADL:
A Clear-Cut Demonstration of
Long-Time Mossad Monitoring
of the Oklahoma City “Patsy”

Immediately after the Oklahoma City bombing, The Spotlight inadvertently—and by a surprising means—came upon solid evidence that the accused bomber, Timothy McVeigh, was in close
and probably sustained contact with an agent of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith, and that the ADL had McVeigh under regular surveillance for some time.
Whether that informant was the ubiquitous Andreas Strassmeir, whose own sordid record we’ve already examined, or someone else, we’ll probably never know. But here are the facts which prove that McVeigh and his activities were under the close scrutiny of the ADL.
On April 21,1995, in an early-morning edition, The Washington Post reported—to the surprise of those of us on the staff of The Spotlight—that, in the fall of 1993, McVeigh—using the name “T.Tuttle”—had taken out a classified advertisement which had run for four weekly issues in
The Spotlight, beginning on Aug. 9, 1993.
According to the Post, the source of this information was an ADL press release. Needless to say, we at The Spotlight were surprised to learn of this story. So when alerted to this allegation our staff underwent a time-consuming effort to locate the advertisement and the related inhouse paperwork relating to the advertisement.
However, we soon learned from a friendly source with high-level U.S. and international intelligence contacts—namely former high-ranking CIA official Victor Marchetti (author of the famous work, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence)—that the reason why the ADL knew McVeigh had advertised in The Spotlight was because, according to Marchetti’s sources, the ADL had an "inside source" in McVeigh’s circle.
In the meantime, later that afternoon, The Spotlight staff was astounded when the Post published a late-morning edition of its April 21, 1995, issue and, in reprinting the quite lengthy article about McVeigh, deleted only the reference to the ADL’s data on McVeigh.
(Now, years later, according to investigators, the first version of that Post article seems to have conveniently disappeared from even the official Post archives altogether—highly unusual, so they say!)
However, as we began to review the records of The Spotlight’s advertising department,we soon came to understand why the Post had come to the ADL’s rescue, covering up the ADL’s intimate knowledge about McVeigh when republishing the story.
Although McVeigh had indeed contracted to run the same advertisement in four consecutive issues of The Spotlight, the ad did not run the first week (Aug. 9, 1993) it was scheduled.The ad did not actually run until one week later, in the Aug. 16, 1993 issue. Yet, when the ADL had scurried to tip off The Washington Post, the ADL reported that the ad had first run in the August 9 issue.
In short, although the ADL knew (through McVeigh or a source close to McVeigh) that McVeigh had contracted to run ads in The Spotlight and put that data in its record, the ADL did not know that an in-house scheduling conflict at The Spotlight prevented the ad from appearing when it was first scheduled.
Ironically, The Spotlight’s editor ultimately pulled the ad (which was for a flare gun) because, as he put it, something seemed "suspicious." Consequently the ad never ran as many times as the ADL expected and first noted in its surveillance file on McVeigh!
As a consequence, after the bombing, over a year later, when the ADL rushed to The Washington Post with “news” about McVeigh’s “link” to The Spotlight, they mistakenly cited the first scheduled date for the advertisement. However, the ADL obviously quickly discovered (as did The Spotlight) that the ADL’s data was incorrect and hastily arranged to have the Post re-write its initial story. Obviously, the ADL’s mistake did point toward its intimate knowledge of McVeigh’s advertising deals.
Since the ADL is known to report its findings to agencies such as the FBI, the BATF, the CIA, and Israel’s intelligence service, Mossad, is it unreasonable to ask whether any of these agencies also had knowledge of McVeigh’s activities—and his intentions?
There is a final point that needs to be mentioned in relation to the interest of the ADL in the affairs of Timothy McVeigh.
Keeping in mind that there had been conflicting reports about the exact time of Timothy McVeigh’s arrival in Oklahoma City prior to the bombing—a point the government was eager to suppress—this lends some credence to the theory that there may have actually been a “Tim McVeigh No. 2” (that is, someone masquerading as McVeigh) as part of a wide-ranging conspiracy of which McVeigh was possibly unaware.
Here’s one possible answer as to who may have been masquerading as McVeigh:Ten days after the bombing, a “right wing” Israeli terrorist—28-year-old Sharon Svi Toval (also known as Zvi Sharon) —was arrested in NewYork by U.S. authorities.Then, under escort and airtight security, Toval was deported to Israel.
The one published photograph of Toval that appeared in The New York Daily News, on May 3, 1995, shows a young man who—without beard, mustache and yarmulke—could be mistaken by a stranger for either accused Oklahoma bomber Tim McVeigh or for the person shown in the famous “John Doe No. 1” sketch that authorities released immediately after the bombing and which was used to identify McVeigh.
In light of reports in 1995 that McVeigh’s attorneys were looking into the possibility that “right wing terrorists” from Israel—or even Israel’s intelligence agency, the Mossad itself—had a hand in the bombing, Toval’s specter is intriguing.
Couple that with the obvious “inside” knowledge about McVeigh’s activities by the Mossad-connected ADL and a whole new light is shed on the possibility that this young Israel was acting as a “second McVeigh” (much as there were convincing stories of a“second” or even “third” Lee Harvey Oswald circulating prior to the JFK assassination).
It’s probably no coincidence Toval’s name also appeared on a list of 25 names—published by the Philippine-based Manila Times newspaper on July 12, 2002—of reputed terrorists who had been traveling between the United States and the Philippines over a four year period.
That list—referenced earlier in Chapter Twelve—also included not only the name of the Mossad-connected German-born intriguer, Andreas Strassmeir, a foremost figure in the Oklahoma affair,but also the name of another American who was (like Strassmeir) a close friend and client of the ubiquitous white separatist attorney Kirk Lyons.
And there’s one other point worth noting: Although, before his execution, Timothy McVeigh said that he acted alone in delivering a bomb to the Murrah Building on April 19, 1995, McVeigh never revealed the name of the person in Oklahoma City who—on April 17, two days before the bombing—mailed The Spotlight what can only be described as a “warning” of the impending bombing.
The existence of this warning laid myth to McVeigh’s claim that no one else—other than Terry Nichols and their friends, Michael and Lori Fortier—knew of the bomb plot.
It also raises two pertinent questions:
1) Did the the ADL—which was clearly monitoring McVeigh—have a hand in putting forth this “warning” or have knowledge of who was responsible for sending it? and
2) Why has the FBI refused to comment publicly about what—if anything—the bureau did to identify the person (or persons) who mailed this warning to The Spotlight?
Here’s the story only The Spotlight and New York’s Village Voice (in its Oct.1, 1997 issue)—and later American Free Press—dared to report.
On April 20, 1995—the day after the OKC bombing—The Spotlight’s mail room opened an envelope postmarked “Oklahoma City.” The envelope had been mailed to The Spotlight on April 17—two days  before the bombing. It was hand-addressed in script, but we now know that the writing is very clearly not McVeigh’s.
Inside the envelope was a postcard featuring a Depression-era photograph depicting a dust storm over Oklahoma.This famous picture is ominously entitled “Black Sunday” (which, incidentally, was also the name of a Hollywood film about terrorism).The postcard also bears the printed legend,“Dust StormApproaching at 60 mi. per hr. April 14,‘35.”
Also enclosed alongside the postcard was a photocopy of a twelve year-old article from The Spotlight about the government murder of IRS and Federal Reserve critic Gordon Kahl.There was no name or return address anywhere on the envelope or on any of the contents.
When the staff of The Spotlight saw this postcard (just one day after the bombing) they knew something was up and called in The Spotlight’s attorney, Mark Lane, who immediately turned the original card and envelope over to Attorney General Janet Reno and the FBI.
Although this strange postcard strongly points to foreknowledge (by somebody) about the impending bombing, the FBI subsequently told Lane that they had “lost” the postcard! Fortunately, however, The Spotlight had made a copy.
After, during a telephone conversation, I advised James Ridgeway, the well-known columnist for The Village Voice, about the postcard, Ridgeway contacted the FBI in April of 1997, but all an FBI spokesman would say was this: “We have not stated anything in regards [sic] to that.” (The bad grammar was that of the FBI spokesman.)
Several questions arise:
Why has the FBI “not stated anything in regards to that”?
Whose handwriting is on the envelope?
Are we to conclude it was simply a bizarre coincidence that such an ominous postcard was mailed from Oklahoma City just two days before the bombing?
Or, in the alternative, is it possible that McVeigh himself had no knowledge that this postcard was being mailed to The Spotlight and had no part in so doing—that a third party orchestrated the mailing as part of some covert plot to implicate The Spotlight in the bombing? (And this, of course, seems likely.)
Had The Spotlight thrown the postcard away or if our attorney had not turned the material over to the FBI, there’s no doubt what would have happened: The FBI would have been told about the postcard from a “source” and FBI agents would have stormed The Spotlight’s offices, accusing the staff of “obstructing justice” by destroying evidence, etc.
There’s no question that somebody other than Timothy McVeigh addressed this suspicious envelope and mailed the material within to The Spotlight—two days before the bombing.That person had advance knowledge of the impending bombing and, by enclosing The Spotlight article, was implicitly linking the death of Gordon Kahl (and The Spotlight’s account of his tragic story) to the bombing.
The mystery surrounding this postcard demonstrates, beyond any question, that there’s much more to the Oklahoma City bombing than either McVeigh or the FBI is willing to admit.
What motivated McVeigh in not telling the entire story is open to speculation.
By the same token, that the FBI is refusing to talk about this postcard only adds fuel to the continuing doubts about what really happened in Oklahoma City.
The bottom line is that the FBI and the ADL knew much more about the Oklahoma City bombing than they would admit, and no doubt for very good reason:
Exposure of the truth would demonstrate, beyond any question, that the ADL’s foreign principal—the Mossad—was ultimately responsible for what happened in Oklahoma City on the tragic day.



CHAPTER FOURTEEN:
“The Arabs Did It”—
Neo-Conservative Zionist Propaganda
Regarding the Oklahoma City Bombing

In the spring of 2004—supported by major pro-Zionist elements in the media monopoly—high-level figures from the pro-Israel neo-conservative network began promoting a book claiming Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein had been behind the Oklahoma bombing and that reputed Islamic terrorist Ramzi Yousef—a purported operative of Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden—was a key player in the affair.
The theory that the two Arab leaders, Saddam and bin Laden, were involved in a highly unlikely alliance to blow up the Murrah Building and blame it on American “lily white”patsies came at precisely the time when the neo-conservatives were struggling to explain the utter failure of the U.S.war in Iraq. The “Saddam Bombed Oklahoma City” crowd touted this theory as another justification for a war that, as most Americans now know,was based on a patchwork of horrendous lies.
The neo-conservative promotion of The Third Terrorist, by former Oklahoma City television journalist Jayna Davis, was an after-the-fact means to justify the misdeeds and misinformation by the neo-conservatives and their allies in Israel who helped bring the war about.
Former CIA Director JamesWoolsey and Frank Gaffney (a longtime colleague of neo-conservative intriguer Richard Perle, once investigated by the FBI for espionage on behalf of Israel) were just two of the neoconservatives who lent their names to promoting the new book.
In the meantime, U.S. News and World Report, published by pro-Israel ideologue Mort Zuckerman, former chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, along with Fox News (owned by pro-Israel billionaire Rupert Murdoch) also joined the chorus promoting the book.
For its part, The Wall Street Journal not only hyped Davis’s claim of Saddam’s involvement in the Oklahoma affair but even conjoined it with the conspiracy theory concocted by neo-conservative Laurie Mylroie who asserts Saddam was also behind the first attack on the World Trade Center in 1993.
In addition, Vanity Fair—published by pro-Israel media titan S. I. Newhouse—offered a friendly profile of Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz noting that a “longtime friend” of Wolfowitz (probably the aforementioned Perle) says Wolfowitz has long believed Saddam was behind the Oklahoma tragedy.
Of particular interest is the background of the chief sponsor of The Third Terrorist: WND Books, an enterprise of Joseph Farah, editor of Internet-based World Net Daily. Not only has Farah long operated in the sphere of billionaire Richard Scaife—whose CIA-connected intrigues go back decades—but in 2003 Farah was honored as “journalist of the year” by the Zionist Organization of America, one of the most vociferous advocates of the war against Saddam. Although an Arab-American, Farah is a fervent supporter of Israel and hardly an unbiased source.
Now about the book . . .
Jayna Davis presented a convincing case that Tim McVeigh was traveling with at least one—and likely more—Iraqi nationals (based in Oklahoma City) in the minutes, days, weeks and months leading up to the disaster.
And—although she never mentions it—it was the now-defunct Spotlight that most consistently gave attention to Davis’ investigation, even while “mainstream” news sources studiously ignored her work.
However, obviously, as we have seen, that changed.
But to those who carefully reviewed The Spotlight’s reportage on Davis, none of this comes as any surprise, for—as The Spotlight said early on—so-called evidence of “Iraqi” involvement actually pointed elsewhere: that is, toward the likelihood that elements operating inside the U.S. (and manipulating McVeigh)—and we do mean the Mossad—were setting the stage for a terrorist attack that could be falsely blamed on Saddam for the purpose of stoking up a war against the Iraqi strongman—a war that finally came in the spring of 2003 (but, of course, only in the aftermath of the 9-11 tragedy).
Although Davis does seem to believe there was a Middle East connection—of Arab or Muslim origin—behind the bombing, there were many serious problems with her book. First of all,Davis completely disregarded the following critical evidence:
• Eyewitness testimony by bombing survivor Jane Graham, who—a day or so prior to the bombing—spotted a group of mysterious figures engaged in activity which suggests they were placing explosives inside the Murrah Building; these men were not Arabs, but white Americans and definitely neither McVeigh nor his co-conspirator Terry Nichols;
•Testimony by multiple survivors who insist there was a major blast inside the Murrah Building following the explosion of the “McVeigh truck bomb” outside on the street;
• Seismographic data indicating more than one blast at the time of the disaster; and
• While multiple news reports—from a wide array of sources—indicated other unexploded bombs had been found inside the Murrah Building after the explosion, Davis stated flatly that these bomb scares “proved innocuous.” Certainly no other bombs exploded, but their existence hardly makes them “innocuous.”
• Although Davis referenced the heroics of Oklahoma City policeman Terrence Yeakey—almost gratuitously—she never mentioned that Yeakey’s purported suicide is deemed “murder” by his friends and family who believe, based onYeakey’s remarks at the time, that he witnessed  something either before or after the bombing that led him to believe the authorities were covering up the truth about what really happened.
• Most notably, Davis never once referenced the intrigues of Hebrew-speaking Mossad-connected former German military intelligence officer Andreas Strassmeir whose checkered background—and that description might be termed “innocuous,” to say the least—points toward directions that Davis (and those promoting her book) would certainly prefer not to go.
So, although, of course, it was not Davis’ intent to explore all of the mysteries surrounding the bombing, it was disconcerting that she ignored some of the more notable questions that arose in its wake. Her focus was the purported “Iraqi connection” but even in that regard she actually left more questions unanswered than answered.
In fact, Davis’s book was simply looking at a small part of a much larger picture and ignoring relevant details that—taken together in their entirety—point in another direction entirely and that is the role of the Mossad in orchestrating the Oklahoma bombing tragedy.
Davis never adequately explained why the FBI—under either Bill Clinton or George W. Bush—would be so eager to suppress evidence that Saddam Hussein and/or “Islamic”or “Arabic”militants working with Saddam or in his sphere of influence had been involved in the Oklahoma tragedy.
Her best—albeit quite lame—explanation was the excuse that the Democratic Clinton administration (in power at the time of the bombing) did not want to admit that it ignored “warnings” of a possible attack put forth by a Republican Party-associated operative on Capitol Hill, Israeli-born “terrorism expert” Yosef Bodansky, who just happened to be one of Davis’s key sources.
Davis made the assertion that Democrats in the Clinton administration would have been inclined to dismiss Bodansky’s warnings as “Zionist propaganda.”
In fact, in one respect, there may be some grain of truth to this, but in a quite different way than Davis suggested.
There is no question that—as Davis herself admitted—Israeli operatives landed in Oklahoma City immediately after the bombing and began promoting the theory that, as one of Davis’s Israeli sources put it, “the bomb which destroyed the Murrah Building was constructed by Arab terrorists or people trained by Arab terrorists.”
But what Davis never explored (or never mentioned, for it would not fit with her theory) is the possibility that the Clinton administration had no desire to crank up a war against Saddam, recognizing that the Israeli propaganda claim that Saddam was behind the bombing was part of the long-standing Zionist drive to topple the Iraqi leader.
In one instance Davis pointed out that a Senate staffer told her she was known as “the baby with the loaded gun.”The fear was,he said, that “they don’t know where you are going to point it next.”
Although Davis evidently never considered it, one could read into this remark that Davis’s dogged inquiries were going a bit too far. In other words, if Davis started digging too deeply into the “Iraqi connection” she could discover something quite the opposite: That the Iraqi connection was another Israeli “false flag” designed to shift the blame for a covert operation carried out by Israeli intelligence.
So although Davis painted a fairly convincing picture that an Iraqi immigrant, Hussain Al-Hussaini, was in league with McVeigh in the Oklahoma bombing, her book is unclear in explaining whether she believes it was Saddam’s sworn enemy, Islamic fundamentalist Osama bin Laden or Iraq’s secular Arab ruler Saddam (who actively suppressed Islamic fundamentalists) who was the ultimate sponsor of Al-Hussaini.
Instead, Davis weaved a tangled story that links Osama and Saddam in an unlikely scenario that never precisely pinpoints the finger of blame—a rather important detail missed by those eager to accept her thesis. A discerning reader will note this immediately, but most readers are not that discerning, a point arguing in favor of the likelihood that many will—regrettably—take Davis’s book seriously. (“Arab plots” are popular in the media these days.)
At one point, she does state that “it really is a foreign conspiracy masterminded and funded by Osama bin Laden, according to my intelligence sources,” but this flat-out charge is refuted by other claims she made elsewhere regarding Al-Hussaini having “possibly” (her word) been “a devoted member of Saddam Hussein’s prized military unit, the Republican Guard,” (and therefore an agent of Saddam—not bin Laden).
When Davis begins to explore the purported link of the mysterious Ramzi Yousef to the Oklahoma affair is when her theory really begins to unravel. For here, she is treading on shaky ground, attempting to tie an alleged Islamic fundamentalist (ostensibly under the discipline of bin Laden’s Al-Qaeda network) to an agent of Saddam Hussein—the Iraqi leader whom bin Laden himself had vowed to destroy.
And there are real questions about just whomYousef and his uncle, Khalid Shaikh Mohammed (said to be Al-Qaeda’s chief of operations) were really working for.
And as we shall see later, in more detail, in these pages, evidence first published by Jewish-American journalist Robert I. Friedman in New York’s Village Voice indicates Yousef was working closely with an Israeli mole inside the conspiracy behind the 1993 attack on the World Trade Center (WTC), forerunner of the September 11, 2001 tragedy.
So when Davis asserted that“the terrorist who engineered the delivery of a Ryder truck packed with a powerful fertilizer-fuel oil bomb to America’s financial district likely orchestrated a similarly executed bombing in Oklahoma City,” she was suggesting—unwittingly, to be sure—that the Mossad also had a hand in Oklahoma as it did in the 1993 WTC attack! But don’t expect Davis or her promoters to say that.
All of this is not to suggest Davis was deliberately purveying lies. However, driven by a desire to bring her story to the fore—a story based on deliberate false flag disinformation that was planted for the very purpose of being brought to Davis’s attention in the first place—Davis was being manipulated and that she did not understand the more subtle intricacies of the world of intrigue that were surrounding her.
However, other forces were also promoting the theme that there was a “Middle East connection” to the bombing—that Tim McVeigh was being handled by “the Arabs” or “the Muslims” and that ultimately, Saddam Hussein and/or Osama bin Laden were behind the bombing. In fact, elements in what is known as “the patriot movement” were promoting this Zionist propaganda and continue to do so to this day.
Some of those “patriots” hyping the alleged “Middle East connection” were on the payroll of Media Bypass, a magazine that popped up shortly before the bombing and which so quickly achieved such a gigantic circulation boost—50,000 readers virtually overnight—that it was generally assumed by informed observers that somebody somewhere was subsidizing Media Bypass for the purpose of directing (or, rather, misdirecting) the patriot movement.
Not coincidentally, a key figure at Media Bypass was a shadowy figure—calling himself “Lawrence Myers”—known to have long-standing high-level intelligence connections.Then when its handlers were done utilizing Media Bypass for their own purposes, they pulled the plug and sold the magazine (which quickly folded without the previous big money backing). However, some of the original operatives from Media Bypass still engage in intrigues inside the patriot movement today.
To sum it up:There were many efforts to redirect attention toward “false flags” set in place by the real conspirators behind the Oklahoma bombing. And in our next chapter,we’ll put it all in place and examine how those false flags fit into the template for terror that we first saw in the JFK assassination and which Israel utilized again in Oklahoma.


CHAPTER FIFTEEN:
What Really Happened in Oklahoma City?
A Familiar Template for Terror and
a Scenario That Does Make Sense

Let us note, at the outset, that what follows in this chapter is obviously speculative in nature. However, it is based upon a long-term review of a wide variety of published information put together by many different independent Oklahoma City bombing investigators, not to mention an assortment of facts and statements put forth by official investigators.
And it should be added that even within the ranks of those who have been investigating the OKC bombing, there is a great range of differing opinion as to precisely what happened on that tragic day.
While most of the varying theories intersect at many points, and, in the end, are hardly different, it must be noted here—and this is no surprise—that many of the supposedly “independent” investigators deliberately ignore uncomfortable facts that would suggest the conspiracy led in directions they would prefer to avoid following.
And we do mean, of course, the possibility of an Israeli connection to the Oklahoma City tragedy.
And even many of those who have been heard to mutter about a “Middle East connection” (meaning, of course, that “the Arabs” or “the Muslims” were behind the Oklahoma) are never prepared to acknowledge the likelihood that those Arabs on the ground on Oklahoma City who have been linked to the conspiracy may, in fact, have been acting as “false flags” for Israel’s Mossad.
So what of the various theories? Let’s review them and attempt to delineate, as simply as possible, the main points of each...
Some hold that it was a “U.S. government operation” deliberately designed to destroy the Murrah Building and place blame upon “right wing militias” for the purpose of setting in place police-state measures ultimately designed to impose martial law on the United States and thereby dissolve our Constitutional republic.
Many promoters of this scenario suggest that the orders“came from the top”—that is, that President Bill Clinton and his top advisors were “in on it,” acting perhaps as proxies for favorite villains such as “the Illuminati” or the Council on Foreign Relations or some other shadowy international power bloc.This is the simplistic version that disregards some of the more down to earth details that we’ll explore shortly.
While some contend that McVeigh was simply a “patsy”—perhaps brainwashed and under mind control—others suggest that McVeigh was a knowing agent of higher-ranking behind-the-scenes conspirators, that he was part of a secret government team staging acts of terrorism.
Others contend McVeigh was “for real”—that he was actively conspiring to blow up the federal building on his own (along with a handful of other extremists, known and unknown) and that government authorities allowed the conspiracy to go forward, again for the purpose of clamping down on the militias and setting in place a police state as part of a grand design for a New World Order.
In contrast, there are those who say that while the government was aware of McVeigh’s plans, a federal sting operation (perhaps by the BATF) designed to stop—and expose—McVeigh and his collaborators went awry; that the bomb went off and destroyed the Murrah Building and that the government agents who failed to prevent the tragedy from happening were thus forced into a cover-up mode.
This thesis is based on the theme that the BATF was smarting under public scrutiny as a result of the debacle at Waco with the Branch Davidian church and that the BATF was trying to show how valuable its efforts were in fighting “extremism” of the type of which McVeigh was found guilty. However, of course, according to this theory, the BATF bungled and the bombing took place.
Generally, this thesis contends that McVeigh was “for real,” so to speak,but that government bungling allowed the tragedy to happen and that the cover-up by the government was necessary to keep the truth about government incompetence from reaching the public.
That’s a “comfortable” scenario for many,many people.
Another variation on one or more of the above versions of “what happened” is that McVeigh and his co-conspirators were planning to set off a bomb in front of the Murrah Building, but that others—generally said to be“government agents”—also put bombs inside the building and made sure there was a massive loss of life and major destruction. This thesis is founded on the reasonable contention that only government agents would have the kind of access to the Murrah Building (a federal facility) in order to make such a scenario possible.
And then, of course, there are those who say that either Saddam Hussein or Osama bin Laden (or both working together) were responsible for what happened in Oklahoma City. This scenario, obviously, is the least likely but it is this thesis that has received the most widespread publicity (from the pro-Zionist media in America) other than that accorded the official claim that McVeigh was effectively, a “lone nut” (with the exception of peripheral involvement by Terry Nichols, and possible foreknowledge by his friends Michael and Lori Fortier).
In the end, however, there is one scenario which, in its entirety, ties many of these threads together in a way that does make sense.And that is the scenario—the template for terror—we outline here.
Our Oklahoma City bombing scenario follows: Timothy McVeigh was a young man—an ex-Army combat veteran—with leanings toward the philosophy of the “right wing” and the militia movement. And as we noted earlier, McVeigh’s former federal prison associate, David Paul Hammer has said that McVeigh told Hammer that he had been recruited into a secret intelligence unit to infiltrate the militias and report back on their activities, although McVeigh was indeed sympathetic to the philosophy of the militia groups he was monitoring.
McVeigh himself—if sympathetic to the militias, as many believe, based on what are purported to be McVeigh’s own writings and statements—was probably told that he was acting on behalf of higher-ups in the government or in the military who were sympathetic to the militias, seeing them as a possible ally in some ultimate fight against the dreaded “New World Order.”
In this part of the scenario, McVeigh may have believed, as a consequence, that he was not acting as a “rat” or as an informant but was, instead, working to help the militia movement by acting as a liaison between the movement and its purported sympathizers inside the federal military or law enforcement apparatus.
There is also the possibility that as an aspect of his recruitment and training, as part of some clandestine operation, McVeigh was subjected—even at this early stage—to some form of programming or mind control of which he may not have been aware.
However, it is entirely possible that the unit (or entity) that recruited McVeigh was not an officially-sanctioned U.S. government operation per se, and was, instead, a “rogue” operation under the thumb of a genuine militia sympathizer within U.S.military and intelligence circles.
But there is another possibility and that is that this operation (which had enough earmarks to convince McVeigh it was U.S.-government sponsored) may not have even been a U.S. government operation at all. Instead, it could have been a totally spurious operation, set up on American shores by Israel’s Mossad.
This Mossad operation could have been utilizing home-grown American assets who were—either knowingly or unknowingly—working on behalf of Israeli intelligence.
In other words, if the unit was U.S.-government sponsored (or even if it was some sort of “rogue” operation under the control of very real militia sympathizers with military and intelligence connections) McVeigh’s immediate supervisors may have been hoodwinked by the Mossad and may have never suspected it; that is, this secret unit may have been actually created by—or was otherwise co-opted by—the Mossad and was being used to recruit McVeigh and other individuals.
In recent years we have learned that even the otherwise pro-Israel GeorgeW. Bush administration was outraged to learn that Mossad operatives had masqueraded at various times in various places as agents of the FBI and the CIA (and presumably other U.S. agencies) in order to carry out ventures that were exclusively part of the Israeli agenda.
So the possibility that the Mossad did set up some phony intelligence unit on American shores (or otherwise directed—or misdirected and manipulated—a genuine such operation) is not beyond the pale.
Although we’re talking about layer upon layer of intrigue, it is all actually rather simple in its set-up, reflecting a template that if fully in line with the Mossad’s classic use of “false flags” and false identities in pursuit of its historically insidious games of intrigue.
McVeigh’s assignment to infiltrate the militias was part of a calculated effort to place McVeigh in the position of being—in the public perception—precisely the type of “right wing militia” activist that he (McVeigh) believed he was monitoring for his superiors (who had a covert agenda kept well hidden from McVeigh).
With all of this in place,Timothy McVeigh began moving in militia circles, making contact with seemingly like-minded individuals. And in short order, as we have seen, McVeigh’s activities were clearly being monitored, at least in part, by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith, a most efficient arm of the Mossad.
And, needless to say, all of this recalls intrigues (described earlier) that surrounded Lee Harvey Oswald preceding the JFK assassination: Namely, Mossad manipulation of both anti-Castro Cuban elements and intelligence operations within the CIA itself, utilizing knowing assets (such as high-ranking CIA official James Angleton) as well as figures such as E.Howard Hunt, for example,who appears to have been caught in the middle, not knowing that an assassination was in the offing.
It was in the course of his assignment that McVeigh found among his new associates an enigmatic individual by the name of Andreas Strassmeir, who, as we have seen had quite stellar military and intelligence connections here and abroad—including to Israel’s Mossad.
All of this is hardly,as we’ve noted, the profile of your run-of-the-mill “neo-Nazi” or “white separatist” agitator.
There was obviously much more to Strassmeir and his close friend and attorney, Kirk Lyons—as well Lyons’ associate, Dave Holloway, a former CIA pilot—than they would have us believe.
It is not beyond the realm of possibility that Strassmeir was, in fact, an outright asset of Israel’s Mossad being deployed by the Mossad into the ranks of the American intelligence community through his contacts in German intelligence. Things do work that way.
In any case, as we know, Strassmeir and the denizens of Elohim City—the now-infamous “Christian Identity” compound—were under surveillance by at least one division of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, that office which utilized Carol Howe as an informant.
Miss Howe was reporting to her BATF handlers, describing talk by Strassmeir of attacking U.S. federal buildings. However, in the end, of course, the U.S. government did all in its power to dismiss Miss Howe’s claims regarding Strassmeir despite the fact the record is clear she had made her claims about Strassmeir well before the bombing took place.  
Thus, it seems, one hand of the U.S. government intelligence apparatus (that directing Miss Howe) was perhaps unaware of the other hand directing the activities of Strassmeir (and McVeigh).
This would not be the first time that such a thing happened. At the very time one division of the CIA was utilizing and funding informants inside the anti-Vietnam War movement, other CIA divisions and the FBI were spending millions of dollars to combat the anti-war movement.
For his part—citing his own “very reliable source” whom British journalist Ambrose Evans-Pritchard believed to be Strassmeir himself—Strassmeir told Evans-Pritchard: “The different agencies weren’t cooperating. In fact, they were working against each other.You even had a situation where one branch of the FBI was investigating and not sharing anything with another branch of the FBI.”
And all of this does not preclude the possibility—the likelihood—that some domestic government elements involved in manipulating McVeigh were also working hand-in-glove (knowingly or unknowingly) with a foreign intelligence network, namely that of Israel.
And here, again, of course, we come back to Strassmeir who was almost certainly a witting asset of the Mossad,whatever his relationship to any specific government agency or to a “private” intelligence operation such as the Southern Poverty Law Center.
As we noted earlier, longtime ADL informant Roy Bullock variously worked for the ADL along with the FBI and the Indianapolis Police Department—not to mention, at one point, the intelligence agency of the apartheid regime of South Africa. So the possibility Strassmeir was wearing various hats—and some of them perhaps unknown to elements inside the U.S. government—is not beyond the realm of possibility.
And while there are many foreign intelligence agencies that do monitor and infiltrate domestic American “right wing” circles, Israel, of course, is that one foreign nation with a distinct special interest, so to speak, in the particular circles (often anti-Jewish or otherwise anti-Zionist) in which Strassmeir and his handler, Kirk Lyons and, of course, Timothy McVeigh were operating.
And, for the record,of course, since Strassmeir was a German national—with longtime involvement in German military and intelligence circles—we would be remiss in not pointing out that the modern-day German government, likewise, has long had an interest in monitoring American “right wing” circles, particularly those with perceived sympathy for the long-gone Third Reich.
But even when Strassmeir was involved with German intelligence, as we have seen, he was also working with the Israelis, to the point that he even had an Israeli girlfriend and learned to speak Hebrew.
In the meantime we must add to this already complex mix the evidence indicating that there were also foreign-born Arabs—at least one, and maybe more—involved with McVeigh in the weeks prior to the bombing.And, as we’ve seen, this “Arab connection” does point toward the likelihood of Mossad involvement.
Based upon a wide variety of information coming from multiple sources, it seems likely that Timothy McVeigh was quite cognizant of a plan—and participated in a venture—that involved the placement of a truck bomb outside the Murrah Building in Oklahoma City.
Whether McVeigh actually exploded that bomb himself or even thought that the bomb would actually be exploded is something that we can never really be certain about.
McVeigh’s public claims—to his official biographers—don’t jibe, in many respects,with what he privately told his friends in prison or even with a lot of the evidence uncovered by his own attorneys. So McVeigh is more than a mystery, in and of himself.
For his part, citing his own aforementioned “very reliable source,” Andreas Strassmeir told British journalist Ambrose Evans-Pritchard that “McVeigh knew he was delivering a bomb,but he had no idea what was in that truck. . . .The bomb was never meant to explode.They were going to arrest McVeigh at the site with the bomb in hand,but he didn’t come at the right time.”
But other conspirators—skilled experts—had already rigged the Murrah Building with explosives inside the structure that were guaranteed to do much more damage than the truck bomb which McVeigh placed outside the building. Some information suggests McVeigh may have known of the explosives inside the building.
And while there appear to have been elements inside the U.S. intelligence agencies (specifically the BATF) who may have attempted to thwart McVeigh’s plans—or, in the alternative,who were actually utilizing McVeigh (and/or his associates) in what has been called “a bungled sting operation”—they clearly failed.
Andreas Strassmeir—who obviously had inside knowledge of what did happen—told Evans-Pritchard that the BATF “had something going with McVeigh.They were watching him—of course they were.
“What they should have done,” said Strassmeir, “is make an arrest while the bomb was still being made instead of waiting till the last moment for a publicity stunt.”
Strassmeir insisted to Evans-Pritchard that it was“obvious that it was a government ‘op’ that went wrong.”
But was it?
The failure to stop the bombing could have been the consequence of classic government incompetence.
However, based on the entirety of what we do know about all of the circumstances surrounding the bombing (and the players involved), it is our contention here that—in a more sinister and more likely scenario—those who might have stopped the bombing failed to do so, precisely because they themselves were thwarted by colleagues who were witting (or unwitting accomplices) of “higher forces”—and I do mean the Mossad—that were monitoring these domestic agencies and piggy-backing on their intended “sting” to bring about a very real bombing.
This scenario, of course, recalls the “dummy assassination” in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963 that became “the real thing.”
As we’ve seen, however, there is enough evidence to suggest that the so-called “international connections” to the Oklahoma City bombing do not point toward Saddam Hussein or Osama bin Laden, either working together or independently.
Instead, all of the evidence points to Israel.
Ultimately, of course, the Mossad hoped to use the bombing to “wake up the American people” to the “dangers” posed by Saddam Hussein and force the Clinton administration to wage war against Iraq—and the rest of the Muslim world. But, as we know, Clinton chose to go in another direction.
And,what’s more, as a consequence of the fact that myriad U.S. government agencies—including the BATF, the FBI, the CIA and probably others—had been tuned in to McVeigh’s activities (and also those of Andreas Strassmeir) long before the bombing, this put the government in a critically necessary cover-up mode that led to the ultimate “lone bomber” scenario that became the official U.S. government line.
What is outlined here regarding the Oklahoma City tragedy is the most likely over-all scenario of how the bombing conspiracy unfolded, a conspiracy that employed almost precisely the same model used in the public execution of John F. Kennedy.
The bottom line is this: The Oklahoma bombing can ultimately be attributed to Israel. There is nothing—absolutely nothing (other than hysterical screams of “anti-Semitism”)—to refute this scenario of Israeli involvement in the Oklahoma bombing.
The fact remains that most honest independent investigators now concede that Andreas Strassmeir was, at the very least, an undercover informant for the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) and that American law enforcement officials were aware of this.
Other independent investigators are even willing to concede Strassmeir may have even been working for the CIA or a foreign intelligence agency—that of the German government. However, very few “patriot” investigators will explore Strassmeir’s Mossad connections.
This remains despite—or perhaps precisely because of—the fact that it is common knowledge Israeli intelligence has long had considerable influence at wide-ranging levels inside American law enforcement and intelligence, and has effectively utilized as its assets such domestic spying operations as the ADL and the SPLC.
As such, the independent investigators prefer to avoid the Israeli connection altogether. At best, they’ll declaim against the SouthernPoverty Law Center as being a “liberal”organization.
In the end, the irony about the fact so many of these investigators are terrified of mentioning even the possibility of an Israeli connection to the bombing is that by just putting forth “alternative” theories of “what really happened” they’ve already put themselves in the position of being“monitored”by theADL, the SPLC, the FBI, the BATF, the CIA and every entity that keeps an eye on those who dare to question the official U.S. government scenario about Oklahoma City or anything relating to other controversial events such as the JFK assassination and 9-11.
Despite repeated efforts—from the beginning—to lay a trail of evidence linking the Oklahoma City tragedy to Saddam Hussein or Osama bin Laden—all of this the work of Israel and those in its  sphere of influence—there was enough resistance inside the U.S. government such that the result  was that this Israeli scheme to spark a U.S.military reaction was stopped dead in its tracks.
However, on September 11, 2001—we believe—Israel accomplished (on a far grander scale) what it had previously tried, and failed, in Oklahoma City: Orchestrating a shocking terrorist event on American soil, blaming it on“the Arabs” and setting the stage for U.S.military intervention in the Middle East. (...)




Sur la haine des Likoudniks contre les Clinton:


Daily Kickoff: Recap of Frontline’s ‘Netanyahu at War’ documentary Memorable quotes:  Erekat: “It was 4:00am, I hear shouting, real shouting – screaming 4:00am in the morning. President Clinton shouting from the depths of his stomach, and head, and ears, and eyes, and nose, and mouth and legs at Bibi Netanyahu.”  Indyk: “When Bibi gets upset, he starts screaming and pounding the table.” (Watch Excerpts)
Netanyahu Documentary Producer: March Speech Revealed Bibi’s Character, Upbringing Erekat recounts hearing President Clinton shouting and screaming “from the depths of his stomach” at Bibi at 4 o’clock in the morning during the Wye River Plantation peace talks. “It was 4:00am, I hear shouting, real shouting – screaming 4:00am in the morning. President Clinton shouting from the depths of his stomach, and head, and ears, and eyes, and nose, and mouth and legs at Bibi Netanyahu.”
'Netanyahu at War’ on PBS was dreadful but not without interest
She won't hesistate to yell at Netanyahu
Hillary Clinton: I Was The "Designated Yeller" At Israel As Secretary of State
Hilllary Clinton on Netanyahu: 'F***ing Bibi'
‘Very rough’ talk with Netanyahu referenced in new Clinton email dump But transcript of phone call is blacked out; other releases from presidential contender’s emails relate to Barak, Livni

Wikileaks: Israel Fears Clinton Administration's Mideast Peace Policy  Jerusalem is concerned that a Clinton presidency 'will be a Saban Forum for four years,' a senior official, probably Ambassador Ron Dermer, told her campaign staff, Wikileaks cables reveal.
Wikileaks reveals Israeli concerns over future Clinton camp A close aid to Democratic presidential candidate Hiillary Clinton can be seen offering advice on a multitude of complicated topics concerning Netanyahu and the challenges Israel faces.
WIKILEAKS : Israel Ambassador to the Clinton Camp : Israel Will Portray American College Students As Terrorists
'Senior Israeli official' told Clinton campaign they fear Clinton Presidency would be '4-year Saban forum'
'Attack, attack, attack’ — Leaked emails show panicked Netanyahu rallying Clinton and US Jews against BDS
Israël a peur des politiques étrangères d'Hillary Clinton concernant le Moyen-orient , selon wikileaks. Les révélations de Wikileaks ignorées, enterrées par la couverture médiatique tonitruante du débat électoral...
Clinton Campaign Chairman Refutes Claims She Will Be 'Worse Than Obama' on Israel In leaked email correspondence with his daughter, John Podesta reassures that the Democratic candidate is 'totally committed to Israeli security.'
Podesta knows audience for HRC's speech @ Saban Forum. Cuts reminder of how "Israel is treating the Palestinians"
Israeli billionaire Haim Saban urged Clinton to do more to get Jewish votes
Wikileak révèle des mails du clan Clinton: « Israël est déprimant' »
La relation entre les Etats-Unis et Israël au menu des derniers emails piratés de John Podesta





Sur ce blog:


Oklahoma City: la connexion israélienne serait plus significative qu'on croit

La main de la Ligue antidiffamation dans la tragédie d'Oklahoma City

Médias antijuifs? Sur les ondes de MSNBC, discussion sur les néocons responsables de la guerre en Irak pour Israël, leur délirante théorie du complot irakien et leur guerre de cent ans contre le monde arabo-musulman

Le mouvement juif Néo-conservateur : du trotskisme au bellicisme sioniste

Parce qu'on ne dénoncera jamais assez cette ligue de diffamation...

L'ennemi intérieur: l'infiltration et la subversion du mouvement nationaliste américain

Collection audiovisuelle et livresque de Michael Collins Piper (1960-2015)

"There Will Be A Hot Time In The Old Town Tonight!" Un projet de film de Michael Collins Piper, en réponse à l'abject "Inglourious Basterds" de Tarantino

Derrière Northwoods: Israël et "l'équipe B" (néocons)

La guerre en Irak était une célébration de Pourim

NO MORE WARS FOR ISRAEL - PLUS JAMAIS DE GUERRES POUR ISRAËL! Prévisible false flag israélien et pressions sionistes pour envoyer l'Occident se battre pour les intérêts d'Israël

Qui était tout près du métro de Londres au matin des attentats du 7 juillet 2005?

Rappel: silence médiatique sur la piste pro-israélienne dans les attentats terroristes à l'Anthrax aux USA, juste après le trauma du 11 septembre. Tout en ravivant le trauma, il fallait faire croire que c'était des musulmans...

11 septembre: les détails techniques ne sont que des détails, il importe bien plus de savoir qui sont les ultimes responsables et pourquoi ils l'ont fait. Et c'était pas les nazis!

11 septembre et tout le reste: c'était pas les musulmans!

Résumé des preuves liant le Mossad aux coupables du 11 septembre

Élucidation complète de la responsabilité d'Israël et ses services secrets dans l'orchestration du 11 septembre et sa récupération géopolitico-médiatique

Les preuves que la fable du 11 septembre est un tissu de mensonge

Les "Israéliens dansants" du 11 septembre et l'implication du Mossad, en français!

Les documents du FBI sur les fameux "Israéliens dansants" arrêtés le 11 septembre 2001

Analyse du rapport du FBI sur les "Israéliens dansants"

Rare témoignage du policier qui a procédé à l'arrestation des "Israéliens dansants" du 11 septembre

La CIA voit le Mossad comme sa pire menace en matière de contre-espionnage

L'affaire Lavon et le USS Liberty

Tuerie de Columbine: c'était pas des nazis

Selon Clinton, Obama est victime d'une "conspiration de la droite". Comme lorsque Hillary Clinton a attribué l'affaire Lewinsky à une "conspiration de la droite" contre son mari, son mari Bill utilise exactement la même expression pour dénoncer la "conspiration de la droite" qui serait selon lui responsable de la campagne de diffamation dont Obama fait l'objet. Les plus avertis sauront qu'il s'agit d'un code pour parler des juifs sionistes extrémistes!

Assassinat de JFK: c'était pas des nazis

Rothschild et JFK: les liens de l'avocat "montréalais" Bloomfield (à la tête de Permindex) avec le clan Rothschild documentés par un auteur québécois

La piste israélienne n'est plus ignorée dans les ouvrages de référence sur JFK, panique des néocons dans les médias (National Review, Washington Free Beacon) - Extrait de la fin du livre "The Letters of John F. Kennedy"

Mise au point sur les accomplissements de Mark Lane, avocat propalestinien et pro-révisionniste (selon Debbie Lipstadt), ami de feu Michael Collins Piper, et sur les mensonges des Chris Bollyn et Mark Weber qui, bien que totalement discrédités, continuent leur honteuse campagne de salissage contre Mark Lane, Michael Collins Piper et American Free Press. De la nullité des prétendus chercheurs qui compliquent les choses en enterrant le peu de bon travail qu'ils font sous des montagnes de niaiseries, ou qui suggèrent qu'on peut en même temps défendre Piper et ses ennemis discrédités que sont Bollyn, Fetzer, etc.